Russia was baited into war but that does not absolve
its criminal act of aggression.
Chris Hedges:
March 03, 2022:
Information Clearing House
-- "
Preemptive
war, whether in Iraq or Ukraine, is a war crime. It
does not matter if the war is launched on the basis
of lies and fabrications, as was the case in Iraq,
or because of the breaking of a series of agreements
with Russia, including the promise by Washington not
to extend NATO beyond the borders of a unified
Germany, not to deploy thousands of NATO troops in
Eastern Europe, not to meddle in the internal
affairs of nations on the Russia’s border and the
refusal to implement the Minsk
II peace agreement.
The invasion of Ukraine would, I expect, never have
happened if these promises had been kept. Russia has
every right to feel threatened, betrayed, and angry.
But to understand is not to condone. The invasion of
Ukraine, under post-Nuremberg laws, is a criminal
war of aggression.
[Ed.: Russia
says it intervened in the eight-year civil war
in Ukraine to stop the massacre of ethnic Russians
in Donbass led in part by openly neo-Nazi units.]
I know the instrument of war. War is not politics by
other means. It is demonic. I spent two decades as a
war correspondent in Central America, the Middle
East, Africa and the Balkans, where I covered the
wars in Bosnia and Kosovo. I carry within me the
ghosts of dozens of those swallowed up in the
violence, including my close friend, Reuters
correspondent Kurt Schork, who was killed in an
ambush in Sierra Leone with another friend, Miguel
Gil Moreno.
I know the chaos and disorientation of war, the
constant uncertainty and confusion. In a firefight
you are only aware of what is happening a few feet
around you. You desperately, and not always
successfully, struggle to figure out where the
firing is coming from in the hopes you can avoid
being hit.
I have felt the helplessness and the paralyzing
fear, which, years later, descend on me like a
freight train in the middle of the night, leaving me
wrapped in coils of terror, my heart racing, my body
dripping with sweat.
I have heard the wails of those convulsed by grief
as they clutch the bodies of friends and family,
including children. I hear them still. It does not
matter the language. Spanish. Arabic. Hebrew. Dinka.
Serbo-Croatian. Albanian. Ukrainian. Russian. Death
cuts through the linguistic barriers.
I know what wounds look like. Legs blown off. Heads
imploded into a bloody, pulpy mass. Gaping holes in
stomachs. Pools of blood. Cries of the dying,
sometimes for their mothers. And the smell. The
smell of death. The supreme sacrifice made for flies
and maggots.
I was beaten by Iraqi and Saudi secret police. I was
taken prisoner by the Contras in Nicaragua, who
radioed back to their base in Honduras to see if
they should kill me, and again in Basra after the
first Gulf War in Iraq, never knowing if I would be
executed, under constant guard and often without
food, drinking out of mud puddles.
The primary lesson in war is that we as distinct
individuals do not matter. We become numbers.
Fodder. Objects. Life, once precious and sacred,
becomes meaningless, sacrificed to the insatiable
appetite of
Mars. No one in wartime is exempt.
“We were expendable,” Eugene Sledge wrote of his
experiences as a marine in the South Pacific in
World War II. “It was difficult to accept. We come
from a nation and a culture that values life and the
individual. To find oneself in a situation where
your life seems of little value is the ultimate in
loneliness. It is a humbling experience.”
The landscape of war is hallucinogenic. It defies
comprehension. You have no concept of time in a
firefight. A few minutes. A few hours. War, in an
instant, obliterates homes and communities, all that
was once familiar, and leaves behind smoldering
ruins and a trauma that you carry for the rest of
your life.
You cannot comprehend what you see. I have tasted
enough of war, enough of my own fear, my body turned
to jelly, to know that war is always evil, the
purest expression of death, dressed up in patriotic
cant about liberty and democracy and sold to the
naïve as a ticket to glory, honor and courage. It is
a toxic and seductive elixir. Those who survive, as
Kurt Vonnegut wrote, struggle afterwards to reinvent
themselves and their universe which, on some level,
will never make sense again.
War destroys all systems that sustain and nurture
life — familial, economic, cultural, political,
environmental and social. Once war begins, no one,
even those nominally in charge of waging war, can
guess what will happen, how the war will develop,
how it can drive armies and nations towards suicidal
folly. There are no good wars. None.
This includes World War II, which has been sanitized
and mythologized to mendaciously celebrate American
heroism, purity, and goodness. If truth is the first
casualty in war, ambiguity is the second.
The bellicose rhetoric embraced and amplified by the
American press, demonizing Russian President
Vladimir Putin and elevating the Ukrainians to the
status of demigods, demanding more robust military
intervention along with the crippling sanctions
meant to bring down Vladimir Putin’s government, is
infantile and dangerous. The Russian media narrative
is as simplistic as ours.
There were no discussions about pacifism in the
basements in Sarajevo when we were being hit with
hundreds of Serbian shells a day and under constant
sniper fire. It made sense to defend the city. It
made sense to kill or be killed.
The Bosnian Serb soldiers in the Drina Valley,
Vukovar and Srebrenica had amply demonstrated their
capacity for murderous rampages, including the
gunning down of hundreds of soldiers and civilians
and the wholesale rape of women and girls. But this
did not save any of the defenders in Sarajevo from
the poison of violence, the soul-destroying force
that is war.
I knew a Bosnian soldier who heard a sound behind a
door while patrolling on the outskirts of Sarajevo.
He fired a burst from his AK-47 through the door. A
delay of a few seconds in combat can mean death.
When he opened the door, he found the bloody remains
of a 12-year-old girl. His daughter was 12. He never
recovered.
Only the autocrats and politicians who dream of
empire and global hegemony, of the god-like power
that comes with wielding armies, warplanes, and
fleets, along with the merchants of death, whose
business floods countries with weapons, profit from
war.
The expansion of NATO into Eastern Europe has earned
Lockheed Martin, Raytheon, General Dynamics, Boeing,
Northrop Grumman, Analytic Services, Huntington
Ingalls, Humana, BAE Systems, and L3Harris billions
in profits. The stoking of conflict in Ukraine will
earn them billions more.
The European Union has
allocated hundreds of millions of euros to purchase
weapons for Ukraine. Germany will almost
triple its own defense budget for 2022.
The Biden administration has asked Congress to
provide $6.4 billion in funding to assist Ukraine,
supplementing the $650 million in military aid to
Ukraine over the past year.
The permanent war
economy operates outside the laws of supply and
demand. It is the root of the two-decade-long
quagmire in the Middle East. It is the root of the
conflict with Moscow. The merchants of death are
Satanic. The more corpses they produce, the more
their bank accounts swell. They will cash in on this
conflict, one that now flirts with the nuclear
holocaust that would terminate life on earth as we
know it.
The dangerous and sadly
predictable provocation of Russia — whose nuclear
arsenal places the sword of Damocles above our heads
— by expanding NATO
was understood by all of us reporting in Eastern
Europe in 1989
during the revolutions and the break-up of the
Soviet Union.
This provocation, which
includes establishing a NATO missile base 100 miles
from Russia’s border, was foolish and highly
irresponsible. It never made geopolitical sense.
This does not, however,
excuse the invasion of Ukraine. Yes, the Russians
were baited. But they reacted by pulling the
trigger. This is a crime. Their crime. Let us pray
for a ceasefire. Let us work for a return to
diplomacy and sanity, a moratorium on arms shipments
to Ukraine and the withdrawal of Russian troops from
the country. Let us hope for an end to war before we
stumble into a nuclear holocaust that devours us
all.
Chris Hedges is
a Pulitzer Prize–winning journalist who was a
foreign correspondent for 15 years for The
New York Times, where he served as the
Middle East bureau chief and Balkan bureau chief for
the paper. He previously worked overseas for The
Dallas Morning News, The Christian
Science Monitor and NPR. He is the host of
the Emmy Award-nominated RT America show “On
Contact.”
This
column is from Scheerpost,
for which Chris Hedges writes a
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