By Patrick J. Buchanan March
03, 2022:
Information Clearing House
-- From his principal
avenues of attack on Ukraine, Russian President
Vladimir Putin began this war with three strategic
goals.
Send an army south from Belarus to capture
Ukraine’s capital, Kyiv, and replace the government.
Send forces into northeast Ukraine to capture its
second largest city, Kharkiv, with 1.4 million
people.
Third, extend the Donetsk enclave westward to
establish a land bridge to Crimea and give Russia
full control of the Sea of Azov and most of the
Ukrainian coast along the Black Sea.
This last objective is almost achieved. Yet, as
of Monday evening, five days into the war, neither
Kyiv nor Kharkiv had fallen, though Russia had
committed most of the troops it had assembled for
the invasion.
Putin needs to get this war over with, for time
is not on his side or Russia’s side.
In a week, he has become a universally condemned
and isolated figure, and his country has been made
the target of sanctions by almost the entire West.
He is being depicted as an aggressor, even a war
criminal, who is brutalizing a smaller neighbor,
which, in its fierce and brave resistance, has taken
on the aspect of a heroic nation.
The world is rallying to Ukraine.
In the UN Security Council, which Russia chairs,
only Russia voted to veto a resolution denouncing it
for aggression. India, China and the United Arab
Emirates abstained.
As for Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky,
his defiance of demands for surrender is being
portrayed as Churchillian.
Moreover, serious military aid to Ukraine will
soon begin.
Europeans and Americans have promised more
Javelin missiles to destroy Russian tanks and armor,
and Stinger anti-aircraft missiles of the type that
took a heavy toll of Russian helicopters in the
Afghan war of the 1980s.
NATO is uniting. Germany has voted to raise its
defense budget and send its own anti-tank weapons
and Stingers to Ukraine.
Economic sanctions imposed on Russia have crashed
the ruble, caused a collapse of the stock market and
severely restricted Moscow’s capacity to manage its
debt.
Russian army units in Ukraine may be sufficient
to occupy Kharkiv and Kyiv, but that army is
insufficient to control and run a country the size
of Texas with a population of 44 million people.
The Russians would have to find thousands of
collaborators to help run the country. Where would
Putin find them among a people that so widely
detests him today?
The longer this war goes on, the greater the
certainty that it bleeds the invading army to levels
intolerable to Mother Russia, which is what
eventually happened in Afghanistan in the 1980s.
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If this war does not end soon, Putin is likely to
lose it and fail in his goal of pulling Ukraine out
of the Western camp and back into the orbit of
Mother Russia.
Eventual defeat is becoming visible, and Putin
probably cannot politically survive such a defeat.
As his motivation is to hold power and use it to
carve a niche in history alongside the greatest
Russian rulers of the past who enlarged the nation
or empire, Putin is probably not going to accept
defeat and go quietly.
Nor was it a sign of resignation that Putin, on
Sunday, ordered Russia’s nuclear forces to high
alert because, "Top officials in leading NATO
countries have allowed themselves to make aggressive
comments about our country."
This is not the first time Putin has introduced
the idea of using a nuclear weapon. On Feb. 19, days
before the invasion began, Putin ordered drills of
nuclear-capable ballistic and cruise missiles,
bombers and warships.
In his speech announcing the military operation
in Ukraine, Putin warned that countries that
interfere with Russia’s actions will face
"consequences you have never seen."
Would Putin exercise what has been called the
"Samson Option" – pulling down the pillars of the
temple and taking your enemies with you?
What Putin is suggesting is that in the last
analysis, if military defeat beckons for Russia, and
his own dispossession of power and political if not
actual death are to follow, he may use the ultimate
weapon in Russia’s arsenal to prevent it.
What should U.S. policy be?
Avoid a widening of the war by preventing any
escalation to nuclear weapons. Secure the
independence of Ukraine. Effect the removal of
Russian troops from Ukrainian territory.
If this requires that Ukraine give up any
ambition to become a NATO nation, Putin’s declared
purpose in launching the war, so be it. We might
have avoided this war had we done so before it was
begun.
This is not where we appear to be headed.
Finland, and Sweden, it is now being said, should
be invited into NATO. Were that to happen, the US
would be obligated to help defend the 830-mile
Finnish border with Russia.
This would be an act of hubris of the kind that
has led to great wars.
Patrick J. Buchanan is the author of
Churchill, Hitler, and “The Unnecessary War”: How
Britain Lost Its Empire and the West Lost the World.
To find out more about Patrick Buchanan and read
features by other Creators writers and cartoonists,
visit the Creators Web page at
www.creators.com.
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