April 02, 2022:
Information Clearing House
--
Vladimir
Putin is a madman. He’s lost it. At least that
is what the leaders of the West would like you
to believe. According to their narrative, Putin
— isolated, alone, confused, and angry at the
unfolding military disaster Russia was
undergoing in Ukraine — lashed out, ostensibly
threatening the entire world with nuclear
annihilation.
In a meeting with his
top generals on Sunday, the beleaguered
Russian president announced,
“I order the defense minister and the chief of the
general staff of the Russian armed forces to put the
deterrence forces of the Russian army into a special
mode of combat service.”
The reason for this
action,
Putin noted,
centered on the fact that, “Western countries aren’t
only taking unfriendly actions against our country
in the economic sphere, but top officials from
leading NATO members made aggressive statements
regarding our country” in relation to the ongoing
situation in Ukraine.
The “deterrence forces”
Putin spoke of refers to Russia’s nuclear arsenal.
What made the Russian
president’s words resonate even more was that last
Thursday, when announcing the commencement of
Russia’s “special military operation” against
Ukraine,
Putin declared that
“no one should have any doubts that a direct attack
on our country will lead to the destruction and
horrible consequences for any potential aggressor.”
He emphasized that Russia is “one of the most potent
nuclear powers and also has a certain edge in a
range of state-of-the-art weapons.”
When Putin issued that
threat,
The Washington Post
described it
as “empty, a mere baring of fangs.” The Pentagon,
involved as it was in its own review of U.S. nuclear
posture designed to address threats such as this,
seemed non-plussed, with an anonymous official
noting that U.S. policy makers “don’t see an
increased threat in that regard.”
NATO’s Response
For NATO’s part, the
Trans-Atlantic military alliance, which sits at the
heart of the current crisis,
issued a statement
in which it noted that:
“Russia’s actions
pose a serious threat to Euro-Atlantic security,
and they will have geo-strategic consequences.
NATO will continue to take all necessary
measures to ensure the security and defense of
all Allies. We are deploying additional
defensive land and air forces to the eastern
part of the Alliance, as well as additional
maritime assets. We have increased the readiness
of our forces to respond to all contingencies.”
Hidden near the bottom
of this statement, however, was a passage which,
when examined closely, underpinned the reasoning
behind Putin’s nuclear muscle-flexing. “[W]e have
held consultations under Article 4 of the Washington
Treaty,” the statement noted. “We have decided,
in line with our defensive planning to protect all
Allies, to take additional steps to further
strengthen deterrence and defense across the
Alliance.”
Under Article 4,
members can bring any issue of concern, especially
related to the security of a member country, to the
table for discussion within the North Atlantic
Council. NATO members Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania,
and Poland
triggered the Article 4 consultation
following the Russian incursion into Ukraine. In a
statement issued on Friday, NATO Secretary General
Jens Stoltenberg expanded
on the initial NATO statement, declaring that NATO
was committed to protecting and defending all its
allies, including Ukraine.
Three things about this
statement stood out. First, by invoking Article IV,
NATO was positioning itself for potential offensive
military action; its previous military interventions
against Serbia in 1999, Afghanistan in 2001, Iraq in
2004, and Libya in 2011, were all done under Article
IV of the NATO Charter. Seen in this light, the
premise that NATO is an exclusively defensive
organization, committed to the promise of collective
self-defense, is baseless.
Second, while Article V
(collective defense) protections only extend to
actual NATO members, which Ukraine is not, Article
IV allows the umbrella of NATO protection to be
extended to those non-NATO members whom the alliance
views as an ally, a category Stoltenberg clearly
placed Ukraine in.
Finally, Stoltenberg’s
anointing of Ukraine as a NATO ally came at the same
time he announced
the activation and deployment of NATO’s
40,000-strong Response Force,
some of which would be deployed to NATO’s eastern
flank, abutting Ukraine. The activation of the
Response Force is unprecedented in the history of
NATO, a fact that underscores the seriousness to
which a nation like Russia might attach to the
action.
When seen in this
light, Putin’s comments last Thursday were measured,
sane, and responsible.
What Happens if NATO
Convoys or EU Jets Are Hit?
Since the Article IV
consultations began, NATO members have begun to
supply Ukraine with lethal military aid, with the
promise of more in the days and weeks to come. These
shipments can only gain access to Ukraine through a
ground route that requires transshipment through
NATO members, including Romania and Poland. It goes
without saying that any vehicle carrying lethal
military equipment into a war zone is a legitimate
target under international law; this would apply in
full to any NATO-affiliated shipment or delivery
done by a NATO member on their own volition.
What happens when
Russia begins to attack NATO/EU/US/Allied arms
deliveries as they arrive on Ukrainian soil? Will
NATO, acting under Article IV, create a buffer zone
in Ukraine, using the never-before-mobilized
Response Force? One naturally follows the other…
The scenario becomes
even more dire if the EU acts on its pledge to
provide Ukraine with aircraft and pilots to fight
the Russians. How would these be deployed to
Ukraine? What happens when Russia begins shooting
down these aircraft as soon as they enter Ukrainian
airspace? Does NATO now create a no-fly zone over
western Ukraine?
What happens if a
no-fly zone (which many officials in the West are
promoting) is combined with the deployment of the
Response Force to create a de facto NATO territory
in western Ukraine? What if the Ukrainian government
establishes itself in the city of Lvov, operating
under the protection of this air and ground
umbrella?
Russia’s
Nuclear Doctrine
In June 2020,
Russia released a new document,
titled “On Basic Principles of State Policy of the
Russian Federation on Nuclear Deterrence,” that
outlined the threats and circumstances that could
lead to Russia’s use of nuclear weapons. While this
document declared that Russia “considers nuclear
weapons exclusively as a means of deterrence,” it
outlined several scenarios in which Russia would
resort to the use of nuclear weapons if deterrence
failed.
While the Russian
nuclear policy document did not call for the
preemptive use of nuclear weapons during
conventional conflicts, it did declare that “in the
event of a military conflict, this Policy provides
for the prevention of an escalation of military
actions and their termination on conditions that are
acceptable for the Russian Federation and/or its
allies.”
In short, Russia might
threaten to use nuclear weapons to deter “aggression
against the Russian Federation with the use of
conventional weapons when the very existence of the
state is in jeopardy.”
In defining Russia’s
national security concerns to both the U.S. and NATO
last December, Putin was crystal clear about where
he stood when it came to Ukrainian membership in
NATO. In a pair of draft treaty documents, Russia
demanded that NATO provide written guarantees that
it would halt its expansion and assure Russia that
neither Ukraine nor Georgia ever be offered
membership into the alliance.
In
a speech delivered after Russia’s demands were
delivered,
Putin declared that if the U.S. and its allies
continue their “obviously aggressive stance,” Russia
would take “appropriate retaliatory
military-technical measures,” adding that it has
“every right to do so.”
In short, Putin made it
clear that, when it came to the issue of Ukrainian
membership in NATO, the stationing of U.S. missiles
in Poland and Romania and NATO deployments in
Eastern Europe, Russia felt that its very existence
was being threatened.
The Disconnect
The Russian invasion of
Ukraine, when seen from the perspective of Russia
and its leadership, was the result of a lengthy
encroachment by NATO on the legitimate national
security interests of the Russian state and people.
The West, however, has interpreted the military
incursion as little more than the irrational action
of an angry, isolated dictator desperately seeking
relevance in a world slipping out of his control.
The disconnect between
these two narratives could prove fatal to the world.
By downplaying the threat Russia perceives, both
from an expanding NATO and the provision of lethal
military assistance to Ukraine while Russia is
engaged in military operations it deems critical to
its national security, the U.S. and NATO run the
risk of failing to comprehend the deadly seriousness
of Putin’s instructions to his military leaders
regarding the elevation of the level of readiness on
the part of Russia’s strategic nuclear forces.
Far from reflecting the
irrational whim of a desperate man, Putin’s orders
reflected the logical extension of a concerted
Russian national security posture years in the
making, where the geopolitical opposition to NATO
expansion into Ukraine was married with strategic
nuclear posture. Every statement Putin has made over
the course of this crisis has been tied to this
policy.
While the U.S. and NATO
can debate the legitimacy of the Russian concerns,
to dismiss the national security strategy of a
nation that has been subjected to detailed
bureaucratic vetting as nothing more than the temper
tantrum of an out of touch autocrat represents a
dangerous disregard of reality, the consequences of
which could prove to be fatal to the U.S., NATO, and
the world.
President Putin has
often complained that the West does not listen to
him when he speaks of issues Russia deems to be of
critical importance to its national security.
The West is listening
now. The question is, is it capable of comprehending
the seriousness of the situation?
So far, the answer
seems to be no.
Scott Ritter is a former U.S. Marine Corps
intelligence officer who served in the former Soviet
Union implementing arms control treaties, in the
Persian Gulf during Operation Desert Storm, and in
Iraq overseeing the disarmament of WMD.
The views expressed in this article are
solely those of the author and do not necessarily
reflect the opinions of Information Clearing House.
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