Was 11/8 a
New 9/11?
The Election That Changed Everything and Could Prove
History’s Deal-Breaker
By Tom Engelhardt
December 03, 2016
"Information
Clearing House"
- "Tom
Dispatch"
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For decades, Washington had a habit of using the Central
Intelligence Agency to deep-six governments of the
people, by the people, and for the people that weren’t
to its taste and replacing them with governments of the
[take your choice: military junta, shah, autocrat,
dictator] across the planet. There was the infamous
1953 CIA- and British-organized coup that toppled the
democratic Iranian government of Mohammad Mosadegh and
put the Shah (and his secret police, the SAVAK) in
power. There was the 1954 CIA coup against the
government of Jacobo Arbenz in Guatemala that installed
the military dictatorship of Carlos Castillo Armas;
there was the CIA’s move to make Ngo Dinh Diem the head
of South Vietnam, also in 1954, and the CIA-Belgian plot
to assassinate the Congo’s first elected prime minister,
Patrice Lumumba, in 1961 that led, in the end, to the
military dictatorship of Mobutu Sese Seko; there was the
1964 CIA-backed military coup in Brazil that overthrew
elected president Jango Goulart and brought to power a
military junta; and, of course, the first 9/11
(September 11, 1973) when the democratically elected
socialist president of Chile, Salvador Allende, was
overthrown and killed in a U.S.-backed military coup.
Well, you get the idea.
In this way,
Washington repeatedly worked its will as the leader of
what was then called “the Free World.” Although such
operations were carried out on the sly, when they were
revealed, Americans, proud of their own democratic
traditions, generally remained unfazed by what the CIA
had done to democracies (and other kinds of governments)
abroad in their name. If Washington repeatedly
empowered regimes of a sort Americans would have found
unacceptable for ourselves, it wasn’t something that
most of us spent a whole lot of time fretting about in
the context of the Cold War.
At least those
acts remained largely covert, undoubtedly reflecting a
sense that this wasn’t the sort of thing you should
proudly broadcast in the light of day. In the early
years of the twenty-first century, however, a new
mindset emerged. In the wake of the 9/11 attacks, “regime
change” became the
phrase du jour. As a course of action,
there was no longer anything to be covert about.
Instead, the process was debated openly and carried out
in the full glare of media attention.
No longer would
Washington set the CIA plotting in the shadows to rid it
of detested governments and put in their place more
malleable client states. Instead, as the “sole
superpower” of Planet Earth, with a military believed to
be beyond compare or challenge, the Bush administration
would claim the right to dislodge governments it
disdained directly, bluntly, and openly with the
straightforward use of military force. Later, the Obama
administration would take the same tack under the rubric
of “humanitarian intervention” or R2P (“responsibility
to protect”). In this sense, regime change and R2P
would become shorthand for Washington’s right to topple
governments in the full light of day by cruise missile,
drone, and Apache helicopter, not to mention troops, if
needed. (Saddam Hussein’s Iraq would, of course, be
exhibit A in this process and Muammar Gaddafi’s Libya,
exhibit B.)
With this
history in mind and in the wake of the recent election,
a question came to me recently: In 2016, did the
American people leave the CIA in a ditch and potentially
do to themselves what the Agency (and more recently the
U.S. military) had done to others? In other words, in
the strangest election of our lifetimes, have we just
seen something like a slow-motion democratic coup
d'état or some form of domestic regime change?
Only time will
tell, but one sign of that possibility: for the first
time, part of the national security state directly
intervened in an American election. In this case, not
the CIA, but our leading domestic investigative outfit,
the FBI. Inside it, as we now know,
fulminating and plotting had been ongoing against
one of the two candidates for president before its
director, James Comey, openly, even brazenly,
entered the fray with 11 days to go. He did so on
grounds that, even at the time, seemed
shaky at best, if not simply bogus, and ran against
firm
department traditions for such election periods. In
the process, his intervention may indeed have
changed the trajectory of the election, a
commonplace in the rest of the world, but a unique
moment in this country.
Donald Trump’s
administration, now filling up with
racists,
Islamophobes,
Iranophobes, and assorted
fellow billionaires, already has the feel of an
increasingly militarized, autocratic
government-in-the-making, favoring short-tempered,
militaristic white guys who don’t take criticism lightly
or react to speed bumps well. In addition, on January
20th, they will find themselves with
immense repressive powers of every sort at their
fingertips, powers ranging from torture to surveillance
that were institutionalized in remarkable ways in the
post-9/11 years with the rise of the national security
state as a
fourth branch of government, powers which some of
them are clearly eager to test out.
Blowback and Blowforward as the History of Our Times
It took 22
years -- in the wake of Washington’s
1979 decision to use the CIA to arm, fund, and train
the most extreme Afghan (and other) Muslim
fundamentalists and so give the Soviet Union a
Vietnam-style bloody nose -- for the initial American
investment in radical Islam to come home big time. On
that blowback path, there would be American military
housing in Saudi Arabia
blown sky high, two U.S. embassies
bombed in Africa, and a U.S. destroyer
ripped apart in a harbor in Aden. But it was 9/11
that truly put blowback on the map in this country (and,
appropriately enough, turned
Chalmers Johnson’s book with
that title, published in 2000, into a bestseller).
Those al-Qaeda attacks, estimated to cost only
$400,000, were aimed at three iconic structures: the
World Trade Center in Manhattan (representing American
financial power), the Pentagon in Washington (military
power), and assumedly either the White House or the
Capitol (political power) -- as United Airlines
Flight 93 was undoubtedly headed there when it
crashed in a field in Pennsylvania. Those strikes by 19
mainly Saudi hijackers were meant to deliver a
devastating blow to American amour propre, and
so they did.
In response,
the Bush administration launched the Global War on
Terror, or GWOT (one of the worst acronyms ever), also
known to its rabid promoters as “the Long War” or “World
War IV.” Think of that “war,” including the
invasions and occupations of Afghanistan and Iraq, as a
kind of “blowforward,” or a second vast, long-term
investment of time,
money, and
lives in Islamic extremism that only entrenched the
phenomenon further in our world, helped recruit more
supporters for it, and spread it ever more widely.
In other words,
Osama bin Laden’s relatively modest $400,000
investment would lead Washington to squander literally
trillions more dollars in ever-expanding wars and
insurgencies, and on the targeting of growing, morphing
terror outfits in the Greater Middle East and Africa.
The resulting years of military effort that spiraled out
of control and into disaster in that vast region led to
what I’ve
called an “empire of chaos” and set a new kind of
blowback on a path home, blowback that would change and
distort the nature of American governance and society.
Now, 37 years
after the first Afghan intervention and 15 years after
the second one, in the wake of an American election,
blowback from the war on terror -- its generals, its
mindset, its manias, its urge to
militarize everything -- has come home in a
significant way. In fact, we just held what may someday
be seen as our first 9/11-style election. And with it,
with the various mad proposals to ban or register
Muslims and the like, the literal war on terror is
threatening to come home big time, too. Based on the
last decade and a half of “results” in distant lands,
that can’t be good news. (According to the
latest report, for instance, fears of persecution
are growing even among Muslims in the Pentagon, the CIA,
and the Department of Homeland Security, and with
Islamophobic sentiments already rampant inside the
newly forming Trump administration, you can conclude
that this won’t end well either.)
History’s Deal-Breaker?
On September
12, 2001, you would have been hard put to guess just how
the shock of the attacks of the previous day would play
out in the U.S. and the world, so perhaps it’s idle to
speculate on what the events of 11/8/16 will lead to in
the years to come. Prediction’s a dicey business in the
best of times, and the future ordinarily is a black
hole. But one thing does seem likely amid the murk:
with the generals (and other officials) who ran
America’s failed wars these last years potentially
dominating the national security structure of a future
Trump administration, our empire of chaos (including
perhaps regime change) will indeed have come home. It’s
reasonable to think of the victory of Donald Trump and
his brand of right-wing corporatist or
billionaire “populism” and of the rising tide of
white racism that has accompanied it as a 9/11-style
shock to the body politic, even if it proves a slo-mo
version of the original event.
As with 9/11, a
long, blowback-ridden history preceded 11/8 and Donald
Trump’s triumph. That history included the
institutionalization of permanent war as a way of life
in Washington, the growing independent power and
preeminence of the national security state, the
accompanying growth and institutionalization of the most
oppressive powers of that state, including intrusive
surveillance of almost every imaginable sort, the return
from distant battlefields of the
technology and mindset of permanent war, and the
ability to
assassinate whomever the White House chooses to kill
(even an American citizen). In addition, in blowback
terms, domestically you would need to include the
results of the Supreme Court’s
Citizens United decision of 2010, which helped
release staggering amounts of corporate and 1%er funds
from the engorged top of an increasingly unequal society
into the political system (without which a billionaire
running for president and a
cabinet of billionaires and multimillionaires would
have been inconceivable).
As I
wrote in early October, “a significant part of the
white working class... feels as if, whether economically
or psychologically, its back is up against the wall and
there’s nowhere left to go... many of these voters have
evidently decided that they’re ready to send a literal
loose cannon into the White House; they’re willing, that
is, to take a chance on the roof collapsing, even if it
collapses on them.” Think of Donald Trump’s election,
then, as the victory of the suicide bomber the white
working class dispatched to the Oval Office to, as
people now
say politely, “shake things up.”
In a moment
that, in so many senses, is filling with extremism and
in which the jihadists of the national security state
are clearly going to be riding high, it’s at least
possible that election 2016 will prove the equivalent of
a slow-motion coup in America. Donald Trump, like
right-wing populists before him, has a temperament that
could lend itself not only to demagoguery (as in the
recent election campaign), but to an American version of
authoritarianism, especially since in recent years, in
terms of a
loss of rights and the strengthening of government
powers, the country has already moved in an autocratic
direction, even if that’s been a little noted reality.
Whatever
Americans may have ushered in with the events of 11/8,
one thing is increasingly certain about the country that
Donald Trump will govern. Forget Vladimir Putin and his
rickety petro-state: the most dangerous nation on the
planet will now be ours. Led by a man who knows
remarkably little, other than how to manipulate the
media (on which he’s a natural-born genius) and, at
least in part, by the frustrated generals from America’s
war on terror, the United States is likely to be more
extreme, belligerent, irrational, filled with manias,
and
heavily armed, its military funded to
even greater levels no other country could come
close to, and with staggering powers to intervene,
interfere, and repress.
It’s not a
pretty picture. And yet it’s just a lead-in to what,
undoubtedly, should be considered the ultimate question
in Donald Trump’s America: With both the CIA’s
coup-making and the military’s regime-change traditions
in mind, could the United States also overthrow a
planet? If, as the head of what's already the world’s
second largest greenhouse gas emitter, Trump carries
out the future energy policies he promised during the
election campaign -- climate-science funding
torn up, climate agreements
denounced or ignored, alternative energy development
downplayed, pipelines
green-lighted, fracking and other forms of
fossil-fuel extraction
further encouraged, and the U.S. fully reimagined as
the Saudi Arabia of North America -- he will, in effect,
be launching a regime-change action against Planet
Earth.
All the rest of
what a Trump administration might do, including ushering
in a period of American autocracy, would be just part
and parcel of human history. Autocracies come and go.
Autocrats rise and die. Rebellions break out and fail.
Democracies work and then don’t. Life goes on. Climate
change is, however, none of that. It may be part of
planetary history, but not of human history. It is
instead history’s potential deal-breaker. What the
Trump administration does to us in the years to come
could prove a grim period to live through but a passing
matter, at least when compared to the possible
full-scale destabilization of life on Earth and of
history as we’ve known it these last thousands of years.
This would, of
course, put 9/11 in the shade. The election victory of
11/8 might ultimately prove the shock of a lifetime, of
any lifetime, for eons to come. That’s the danger we’ve
faced since 11/8, and make no mistake, it could be
devastating.
Tom
Engelhardt is a co-founder of the
American Empire Project and the author
of The United States of Fear as well as a
history of the Cold War,
The End of Victory Culture. He is a fellow of
the
Nation Institute and runs
TomDispatch.com. His latest book is
Shadow Government: Surveillance, Secret Wars, and a
Global Security State in a Single-Superpower World.
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Global Security State in a Single-Superpower World.
Copyright 2016
Tom Engelhardt
The views
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