Philippines’ Duterte Seeks Peace
“Duterte is not a saint, but he stands for an
independent foreign policy.”
By Marjorie
Cohn
November
25, 2016 "Information
Clearing House"
- In April 2016, Rodrigo Duterte won the
Philippine presidential election by a landslide,
with more than 6 million votes. He openly declared
that he was the nation’s first Left president,
calling himself a socialist but not a communist. So
far, his regime has been controversial, to put it
mildly.
The U.S.
press has focused on Duterte’s vicious war on drugs
that claimed upwards of 2,000 lives and led to the
incarceration of tens of thousands of people. His
decision to allow former Filipino dictator Ferdinand
Marcos’s burial in the National Cemetery of the
Heroes also has drawn the ire of those who recall
Marcos’s brutal two-decade regime that killed more
than 3,000, tortured tens of thousands, and stole
$10 billion from the Philippines.
But,
significantly, Duterte is engaging with
revolutionary forces in the peace process that aims
to end 47 years of armed struggle against the
repressive Filipino government. And Duterte has
taken actions that, for the first time, challenge
the longstanding military and economic power of the
United States in the Philippines.
Peace Process With
Opposition
Since 1969,
a civil war has been raging in the Philippines. The
roots of the armed conflict can be traced to the
colonial and neocolonial domination of the
Philippines by the Spanish, then U.S. imperialism,
feudal exploitation by big landlords and capitalist
interests, as well as widespread bureaucratic
corruption. After Duterte’s election, he cited peace
as a top priority of his administration, vowing to
engage in peace negotiations with the National
Democratic Front of the Philippines (NDFP).
According
to JustPeacePH, an international platform that
supports the Philippine peace process and takes its
name from its Internet site, “justpeace.ph,” “The
daily, systematic and systemic injustice experienced
by the people drive them to desire and seek
fundamental changes in society through various
means. But because the forces against fundamental
social change use all means including the
instruments and violence of the state to defend the
status quo, many Filipinos over many generations
have embraced armed struggle to overthrow the ruling
system.”
The NDFP
“is the alliance of progressive forces seeking to
bring about fundamental change in the existing
social system in the Philippines through armed
revolution,” JustPeacePH states in its Primer on
Just and Lasting Peace in the Philippines. The NDFP
alliance includes trade unions, peasants, youth,
women, national minorities, teachers, health
workers, religious clergy, the Communist Party of
the Philippines (CPP), and the New People’s Army.
Duterte’s Peace
Initiative
Two rounds
of peace negotiations have already occurred since
Duterte took office, with a third scheduled for
January 2017 in Oslo, Norway.
In May,
Duterte declared he would release all political
prisoners, which number more than 400, through a
presidential declaration of amnesty, provided both
houses of congress approve. Nineteen NDFP
consultants, who have been involved in the
revolutionary movement for years, have already been
released.
Duterte
offered four cabinet positions to the CPP, but they
declined, stating there must first be a
comprehensive peace agreement. The CPP, however,
recommended a veteran peasant leader who was
appointed Secretary of Agrarian Reform and a veteran
academic activist leader who was named secretary of
social welfare and development.
“These are
major appointments,” Luis Jalandoni, NDFP’s Senior
Adviser on the Peace Negotiating Panel, told me at a
recent conference of the International Association
of Democratic Lawyers in Lisbon, Portugal.
NDFP has a
people’s army and organs of political power with
mass organizations in 71 out of the 81 provinces in
the country, Jalandoni said. He noted that
landlessness and poverty afflict the 100 million
people in the Philippines.
“The NDFP
insists on addressing the roots of the armed
conflict in order to achieve a just and lasting
peace,” Jalandoni said.
The demands
in the peace talks are: Release of all political
prisoners; Land reform for the peasantry (70% of the
population); National industrialization to develop
the economy using available human and natural
resources; Protect the environment and ancestral
lands of the indigenous peoples; and Philippine
national sovereignty and abrogation of all unequal
treaties with the United States.
Challenging U.S. Power
U.S.
domination and interference in the Philippines date
back to 1898, when the United States annexed the
Philippines. The U.S. continued to exercise colonial
rule over the country until 1946, when the
Philippines gained its independence although the
United States retained many military installations
there and the Filipino economy maintained its
dependence on the U.S.
With U.S.
assistance, Marcos ruled the Philippines with an
iron fist from 1965 through 1986, under martial law
from 1972 to 1981. In 2002, the Gloria
Macapagal-Arroyo government developed Oplan
Bayanihan, a counterinsurgency program modeled on
U.S. strategies. After 9/11, the Bush administration
gave Arroyo $100 million to fund that campaign in
the Philippines.
Oplan
Bayanihan led to large numbers of extrajudicial
killings, forced disappearances, torture and cruel
treatment. Many civilians, including children, have
been killed. Philippine military and paramilitary
death squads murdered hundreds of members of
progressive organizations. Communities and leaders
opposed to large-scale and invasive mining have been
targeted. Even ordinary people with no political
affiliation have not escaped the government’s reign
of terror.
From 2001
to 2010, the U.S. government provided more than $507
in military assistance to the Philippine government,
facilitating tremendous repression.
Between
2010 and 2015, the Philippine police, military and
paramilitary forces perpetrated extrajudicial
killings, forced disappearances, torture, illegal
arrests and forced evacuation, many to enable
extraction by mining companies.
The 2014
Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement, which
President Barack Obama negotiated with Duterte’s
predecessor, gave U.S. troops the right to prolonged
deployment in the Philippines. The agreement is
widely seen in the Philippines as a threat to the
country’s sovereignty.
In
September 2016, Duterte declared, “I am not a fan of
the Americans … Filipinos should be first before
everybody else.” He added, “In our relations to the
world, the Philippines will pursue an independent
foreign policy. I repeat: The Philippines will
pursue an independent foreign policy.”
The United
States has not apologized for all the atrocities it
committed against the Filipino people, Duterte said.
Responding to U.S. criticism of the Philippines for
its human rights violations, he stated, “Why are you
Americans killing the black people there, shooting
them down when they are already on the ground.”
Duterte
promised to end joint military maneuvers with U.S.
forces and expel the hundreds of U.S. troops
currently stationed in the Philippines. He also
expressed his intention to end bilateral agreements
concluded by his predecessor with the United States
and reverse permission for the United States’ use of
five Philippine military bases.
“I will
break up with America,” Duterte said. “I would
rather go to Russia and to China.” He vowed to
rescind joint patrols with U.S. and Filipino forces
against Chinese expansion in the disputed South
China Sea. Indeed, Duterte recently traveled to
China and secured valuable fishing rights for
Filipinos in the South China Sea.
Hope for Peace Prospects
In an
unprecedented development, both the government and
the opposition declared unilateral ceasefires in
August. But there are still problems with the
government’s ceasefire, says Jalandoni, as Duterte
doesn’t have full control of the military. The
military and paramilitary forces, which are
protected by the military, have engaged in several
violations that imperil the ceasefire, he said.
“There is
high optimism that the peace talks will prosper
under the presidency of Duterte,” according to
JustPeacePH. “Unlike past presidents who harbor
strong anti-communist bias, Duterte seems capable of
rethinking the government’s peace strategy since he
claims to be a socialist.”
Opposition
forces are not uncritical of the excesses in
Duterte’s war on drugs. The CCP declared the
campaign is becoming anti-people and
anti-democratic. Due process must be respected,
human rights must be upheld; the drug users and
small drug dealers, who come from poverty, require
rehabilitation and care, the CCP maintains.
“Understandably, Duterte’s war on drugs and other
crimes is given more coverage by the global media,”
JustPeacePH wrote in its primer. “But Duterte’s aim
to establish a lasting peace in the provinces
deserves even more attention as this strikes at the
root causes of the problem of illegal drugs and
related crimes.”
Jalandoni
said, “Duterte is not a saint, but he stands for an
independent foreign policy. His stand against the
United States is respected and has received a lot of
support.”
The NDFP,
Jalandoni noted, says that “if there are threats
against Duterte by U.S. imperialism, the Left will
be a reliable ally to him,” adding, “He is the first
president to stand up to the United States.”
Marjorie Cohn is
professor emerita at Thomas Jefferson School of Law
where she taught from 1991-2016, and a former
president of the National Lawyers Guild. She
lectures, writes, and provides commentary for local,
regional, national and international media outlets.
This article first appeared on
Consortiumnews.