The announcement last week by the United
States of the largest military aid
package in its history – to Israel – was
a win for both sides.
Israeli prime
minister Benjamin Netanyahu could boast
that his lobbying had boosted aid from
$3.1 billion a year to $3.8bn – a 22 per
cent increase – for a decade starting in
2019.
Mr Netanyahu has presented this as a
rebuff to those who accuse him of
jeopardising Israeli security interests
with his government’s repeated affronts
to the White House.
In the past weeks alone, defence
minister Avigdor Lieberman has compared
last year’s nuclear deal between
Washington and Iran with the 1938 Munich
pact, which bolstered Hitler; and Mr
Netanyahu has implied that US opposition
to settlement expansion is the same as
support for the “ethnic cleansing” of
Jews.
American president Barack Obama,
meanwhile, hopes to stifle his own
critics who insinuate that he is
anti-Israel. The deal should serve as a
fillip too for Hillary Clinton, the
Democratic party’s candidate to succeed
Mr Obama in November’s election.
In reality, however, the Obama
administration has quietly punished Mr
Netanyahu for his misbehaviour. Israeli
expectations of a $4.5bn-a-year deal
were whittled down after Mr Netanyahu
stalled negotiations last year as he
sought to recruit Congress to his battle
against the Iran deal.
In fact, Israel already receives
roughly $3.8bn – if Congress’s
assistance on developing missile defence
programmes is factored in. Notably,
Israel has been forced to promise not to
approach Congress for extra funds.
The deal takes into account neither
inflation nor the dollar’s depreciation
against the shekel.
A bigger blow still is the White
House’s demand to phase out a special
exemption that allowed Israel to spend
nearly 40 per cent of aid locally on
weapon and fuel purchases. Israel will
soon have to buy all its armaments from
the US, ending what amounted to a
subsidy to its own arms industry.
Nonetheless, Washington’s renewed
military largesse – in the face of
almost continual insults – inevitably
fuels claims that the Israeli tail is
wagging the US dog. Even The New York
Times has described the aid package as
“too big”.
Since the 1973 war, Israel has
received at least $100bn in military
aid, with more assistance hidden from
view. Back in the 1970s, Washington paid
half of Israel’s military budget. Today
it still foots a fifth of the bill,
despite Israel’s economic success.
But the US expects a return on its
massive investment. As the late Israeli
politician-general Ariel Sharon once
observed, Israel has been a US
“aircraft carrier” in the Middle East,
acting as the regional bully and
carrying out operations that benefit
Washington.
Almost no one blames the US for
Israeli attacks that wiped out Iraq’s
and Syria’s nuclear programmes. A
nuclear-armed Iraq or Syria would have
deterred later US-backed moves at regime
overthrow, as well as countering the
strategic advantage Israel derives from
its own nuclear arsenal.
In addition, Israel’s US-sponsored
military prowess is a triple boon to the
US weapons industry, the country’s most
powerful lobby. Public funds are
siphoned off to let Israel buy goodies
from American arms makers. That, in
turn, serves as a shop window for other
customers and spurs an endless and
lucrative game of catch-up in the rest
of the Middle East.
The first F-35 fighter jets to arrive
in Israel in December – their various
components produced in 46 US states –
will increase the clamour for the
cutting-edge warplane.
Israel is also a “front-line
laboratory”, as former Israeli army
negotiator Eival Gilady admitted at the
weekend, that develops and field-tests
new technology Washington can later use
itself.
The US is planning to buy back the
missile interception system Iron Dome –
which neutralises battlefield threats of
retaliation – it largely paid for.
Israel works closely too with the US in
developing cyberwarfare, such as the
Stuxnet worm that damaged Iran’s
civilian nuclear programme.
But the clearest message from
Israel’s new aid package is one
delivered to the Palestinians:
Washington sees no pressing strategic
interest in ending the occupation. It
stood up to Mr Netanyahu over the Iran
deal but will not risk a damaging clash
over Palestinian statehood.
Some believe that Mr Obama signed the
aid package to win the credibility
necessary to overcome his domestic
Israel lobby and pull a rabbit from the
hat: an initiative, unveiled shortly
before he leaves office, that corners Mr
Netanyahu into making peace.
Hopes have been raised by an expected
meeting at the United Nations in New
York on Wednesday. But their first talks
in 10 months are planned only to
demonstrate unity to confound critics of
the aid deal.
If Mr Obama really wanted to pressure
Mr Netanyahu, he would have used the aid
agreement as leverage. Now Mr Netanyahu
need not fear US financial retaliation,
even as he intensifies effective
annexation of the West Bank.
Mr Netanyahu has drawn the right
lesson from the aid deal – he can act
against the Palestinians with continuing
US impunity.
- See more at: http://www.jonathan-cook.net/2016-09-19/palestinians-lose-in-us-military-aid-deal-with-israel/#sthash.fL4Eq28N.dpuf
Clinton Campaign Emails Smeared As Russian
Masterminded Plot (Again)
By Kevin Gosztola
October 14, 2016 "Information
Clearing House"
-
"Shadow
Proof" -
With
no specific evidence, President Barack
Obama’s administration explicitly claimed
the Russian government was responsible for
stealing emails from the Democratic National
Committee and other individuals and
organizations closely linked to the
Democratic Party. The accusation came just
as WikiLeaks published emails from Hillary
Clinton’s campaign chairman, John Podesta.
The
New York Times unquestionably
advanced this accusation in a story
written by David Sanger and Charlie Savage.
In facilitating the spread of this
unsubstantiated accusation, they quoted
director of national intelligence, James
Clapper, and the Homeland Security
Department, which stated the emails
published were “intended to interfere with
the U.S. election process.”
“We
believe, based on the scope and sensitivity
of these efforts, that only Russia’s
senior-most officials could have authorized
these activities,” the statement added.
Remarkably, the New York Times
published a story on the emails
published by WikiLeaks, including a document
containing excerpts from transcripts to
Goldman Sachs and other banks which Clinton
refused to make public during the primary.
The
story described Clinton’s “easy comfort with
titans of business” and how she “embraced
unfettered international trade” and a budget
plan that would have cut Social Security.
But there was no indication from the Times
that they viewed this journalism as aiding
and abetting the Russian government’s plans
to interfere with the U.S. election.
A
report from the Washington Post on
WikiLeaks’ publication of emails contained
the line, “The FBI did not immediately say
if the Russians were behind the alleged
hack.”
The
Associated Press also unquestionably
repeated this allegation, publishing a story
under the headline, “Private Clinton
speeches leaked in hacking blamed on
Russia.” It noted a part of the joint
statement from Clapper and Homeland Security
that suggested the hacking was “consistent
with the methods and motivations of
Russian-directed efforts.”
Then the AP obliviously described the
contents of these excerpts from leaked
speeches without any details related to the
frame of their story—why Russia believes
leaking emails of Democratic Party officials
will help them successfully frustrate the
election. In fact, both Clinton and Donald
Trump are already considered to be the most
dishonest and untrustworthy presidential
candidates in recent American history.
Aside from emails, which the U.S. government
insists without specific evidence are the
product of Russian interference, the Clinton
campaign has done quite a bit to undermine
her campaign on their own. The contents of
non-hacked emails have plagued the campaign,
and just this past week, former President
Bill Clinton criticized Obama’s chief
achievement, the Affordable Care Act,
calling it a “crazy system,” even though
Hillary Clinton has pledged to maintain and
expand the ACA.
Podesta condemned the release of his emails.
“I’m not happy about being hacked by the
Russians in their quest to throw the
election to Donald Trump,” He also added,
“Don’t have time to figure out which docs
are real and which are faked.”
The
Clinton campaign told the press, “Earlier
today the U.S. government removed any
reasonable doubt that the Kremlin has
weaponized WikiLeaks to meddle in our
election and benefit Donald Trump’s
candidacy.”
“We
are not going to confirm the authenticity of
stolen documents released by Julian Assange,
who has made no secret of his desire to
damage Hillary Clinton. Guccifer 2.0 has
already proven the warnings of top national
security officials that documents can be
faked as part of a sophisticated Russian
misinformation campaign.”
But
as the Washington Post acknowledged the
Clinton campaign “did not say that the
emails released Friday concerning Clinton’s
speeches had been faked.”
Jonathan Chait, a columnist for New York
Magazine who has served the role as
unofficial Obama administration stenographer
and proud liberal defender of Clinton,
published a pathetic and amateurish
blog post glibly poking at the left for
doubting U.S. government claims about
Russian involvement. But Chait himself noted
the government “hasn’t released proof for
its conclusions.”
Clinton campaign spokesperson Brian Fallon
expressed his disgust with reporters, who
dug through the Podesta emails. “Just like
Russia wanted,” he declared on Twitter.
When emails were published in July, right
before the Democratic National Convention in
Philadelphia, and they showed the DNC had
conspired against the Bernie Sanders
campaign, the Clinton campaign
immediately cast the emails as a part of
a plot masterminded by Russia to wreak havoc
on American politics.
The
Obama administration has resorted to this
propaganda, and multiple media organizations
have largely accepted this frame without any
healthy skepticism. However, the evidence
for such Russian interference remains
incredibly thin, if not entirely
nonexistent.
Regardless of Assange’s views of Clinton,
unmistakably Assange and others working for
and with WikiLeaks are interested in
journalism. Reporters at media outlets, who
share the contents of these emails—just like
WikiLeaks—are engaged in journalism. This
scrutiny greatly upsets the Clinton campaign
to the extent that they feel they must
slander reporting as the product of
Kremlin-supported meddling in the election.
Claims against Russia are clearly intended
to distract from the contents of what
WikiLeaks published. If the Clinton campaign
can convince the public to talk about how
the emails were hacked and make it part of a
kind of frightening Russian conspiracy, then
the revelations are overshadowed to their
benefit.
At
any point, the Clinton campaign could have
released transcripts of her paid speeches on
their own terms. They could have argued, as
Vox’s Matt Yglesias
flatteringly did, that her speeches
represent the same Hillary Clinton that the
public has come to know and support. The
campaign rejected calls for transparency,
and the result is this WikiLeaks disclosure,
as well as future disclosures, which will
occur far beyond their control and make it
hard for them to control perceptions of
Clinton.
*
As
one email revealed, remarks from her
paid speeches were flagged by campaign staff
as potentially damaging because Clinton
touted her relationship with Wall Street as
a senator, she claimed she needed Wall
Street funding in order to run a successful
political campaign, and she suggested Wall
Street was only being held accountable
because of political reasons.
Here are some nuggets from a document
containing flagged excerpts of remarks from
Clinton’s paid speeches:
—At
a Goldman Sachs summit on October 29, 2013,
appearing to respond to the climate against
the top one percent fueled by organizing by
Occupy Wall Street activists and other
groups, Clinton argued in Washington, D.C,
“There is such a bias against people who
have led successful and/or complicated
lives. You know, the divestment of assets,
the stripping of all kinds of positions, the
sale of stocks. It just becomes very onerous
and unnecessary.”
—During a Goldman Sachs-sponsored symposium
on October 24, 2013, Clinton declared, “The
people that know the industry better than
anybody are the people who work in the
industry.” She suggested politicians defer
to those in the banking industry to
determine what regulations would work and
not work. This sentiment was expressed again
in remarks to Deutsche Bank on October 7,
2014, when she said financial reform “really
has to come from the industry itself.”
—On
Syria, Clinton told the Jewish United Fund
at a dinner in October 2013 that she favored
“more robust, covert action” from the U.S.
government, but Saudi Arabia was
“complicating” the war by shipping large
amounts of weapons “pretty discriminately.”
—Clinton lauded natural gas fracking, saying
government research helped the idea become
available to the marketplace. She said
during a speech to Deutsche Bank on April
24, 2013, “I’ve promoted fracking in other
places around the world. Because when you
look at the stranglehold that energy has on
so many countries and the decisions that
they make, it would be in America’s interest
to make even more countries more energy
self-sufficient. So I think we have to go at
this in a smart, environmentally conscious
way, pursuing a clean-energy alternative
agenda while we also promote the advantages
that are going to come to us, especially in
manufacturing, because we’re now going to
produce more oil and gas.”
—In
a speech at tinePublic on June 18, 2014,
Clinton accused “phony environmental groups”
that she believes are funded by the Russians
of being responsible for the opposition to
oil pipelines and natural gas fracking. “I’m
a big environmentalist, but these were
funded by the Russians to stand against any
effort, oh that pipeline, that fracking,
that whatever will be a problem for you, and
a lot of the money supporting that message
was coming from Russia.”
—While speaking at an event for JP Morgan on
April 22, 2014, Clinton said NSA
whistleblower Edward Snowden “did a great
service to China, Russia, Iran and others.”
—Clinton told a summit hosted by Goldman
Sachs on October 29, 2013 that “WikiLeaks
was a big bump in the road, but I think the
Snowden material could be potentially much
more threatening to us.” She argued Snowden
gave adversaries a blueprint on how the U.S.
operates. “Why is that in any way positive?”
Also, during this same event, she told a
story about Italian Prime Minister Silvio
Berlusconi crying over the WikiLeaks
disclosures.
SECRETARY CLINTON: Okay. I was Secretary of
State when WikiLeaks happened. You remember
that whole debacle. So out come hundreds of
thousands of documents. And I have to go on
an apology tour. And I had a jacket made
like a rock star tour. The Clinton Apology
Tour. I had to go and apologize to anybody
who was in any way characterized in any of
the cables in any way that might be
considered less than flattering. And it was
painful. Leaders who shall remain nameless,
who were characterized as vain, egotistical,
power hungry —
MR.
BLANKFEIN: Proved it.
SECRETARY CLINTON: — corrupt. And we knew
they were. This was not fiction. And I had
to go and say, you know, our ambassadors,
they get carried away, they want to all be
literary people. They go off on tangents.
What can I say. I had grown men cry. I mean,
literally. I am a friend of America, and you
say these things about me.
MR.
BLANKFEIN: That’s an Italian accent.
SECRETARY CLINTON: Have a sense of humor.
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