The announcement last week by the United
States of the largest military aid
package in its history – to Israel – was
a win for both sides.
Israeli prime
minister Benjamin Netanyahu could boast
that his lobbying had boosted aid from
$3.1 billion a year to $3.8bn – a 22 per
cent increase – for a decade starting in
2019.
Mr Netanyahu has presented this as a
rebuff to those who accuse him of
jeopardising Israeli security interests
with his government’s repeated affronts
to the White House.
In the past weeks alone, defence
minister Avigdor Lieberman has compared
last year’s nuclear deal between
Washington and Iran with the 1938 Munich
pact, which bolstered Hitler; and Mr
Netanyahu has implied that US opposition
to settlement expansion is the same as
support for the “ethnic cleansing” of
Jews.
American president Barack Obama,
meanwhile, hopes to stifle his own
critics who insinuate that he is
anti-Israel. The deal should serve as a
fillip too for Hillary Clinton, the
Democratic party’s candidate to succeed
Mr Obama in November’s election.
In reality, however, the Obama
administration has quietly punished Mr
Netanyahu for his misbehaviour. Israeli
expectations of a $4.5bn-a-year deal
were whittled down after Mr Netanyahu
stalled negotiations last year as he
sought to recruit Congress to his battle
against the Iran deal.
In fact, Israel already receives
roughly $3.8bn – if Congress’s
assistance on developing missile defence
programmes is factored in. Notably,
Israel has been forced to promise not to
approach Congress for extra funds.
The deal takes into account neither
inflation nor the dollar’s depreciation
against the shekel.
A bigger blow still is the White
House’s demand to phase out a special
exemption that allowed Israel to spend
nearly 40 per cent of aid locally on
weapon and fuel purchases. Israel will
soon have to buy all its armaments from
the US, ending what amounted to a
subsidy to its own arms industry.
Nonetheless, Washington’s renewed
military largesse – in the face of
almost continual insults – inevitably
fuels claims that the Israeli tail is
wagging the US dog. Even The New York
Times has described the aid package as
“too big”.
Since the 1973 war, Israel has
received at least $100bn in military
aid, with more assistance hidden from
view. Back in the 1970s, Washington paid
half of Israel’s military budget. Today
it still foots a fifth of the bill,
despite Israel’s economic success.
But the US expects a return on its
massive investment. As the late Israeli
politician-general Ariel Sharon once
observed, Israel has been a US
“aircraft carrier” in the Middle East,
acting as the regional bully and
carrying out operations that benefit
Washington.
Almost no one blames the US for
Israeli attacks that wiped out Iraq’s
and Syria’s nuclear programmes. A
nuclear-armed Iraq or Syria would have
deterred later US-backed moves at regime
overthrow, as well as countering the
strategic advantage Israel derives from
its own nuclear arsenal.
In addition, Israel’s US-sponsored
military prowess is a triple boon to the
US weapons industry, the country’s most
powerful lobby. Public funds are
siphoned off to let Israel buy goodies
from American arms makers. That, in
turn, serves as a shop window for other
customers and spurs an endless and
lucrative game of catch-up in the rest
of the Middle East.
The first F-35 fighter jets to arrive
in Israel in December – their various
components produced in 46 US states –
will increase the clamour for the
cutting-edge warplane.
Israel is also a “front-line
laboratory”, as former Israeli army
negotiator Eival Gilady admitted at the
weekend, that develops and field-tests
new technology Washington can later use
itself.
The US is planning to buy back the
missile interception system Iron Dome –
which neutralises battlefield threats of
retaliation – it largely paid for.
Israel works closely too with the US in
developing cyberwarfare, such as the
Stuxnet worm that damaged Iran’s
civilian nuclear programme.
But the clearest message from
Israel’s new aid package is one
delivered to the Palestinians:
Washington sees no pressing strategic
interest in ending the occupation. It
stood up to Mr Netanyahu over the Iran
deal but will not risk a damaging clash
over Palestinian statehood.
Some believe that Mr Obama signed the
aid package to win the credibility
necessary to overcome his domestic
Israel lobby and pull a rabbit from the
hat: an initiative, unveiled shortly
before he leaves office, that corners Mr
Netanyahu into making peace.
Hopes have been raised by an expected
meeting at the United Nations in New
York on Wednesday. But their first talks
in 10 months are planned only to
demonstrate unity to confound critics of
the aid deal.
If Mr Obama really wanted to pressure
Mr Netanyahu, he would have used the aid
agreement as leverage. Now Mr Netanyahu
need not fear US financial retaliation,
even as he intensifies effective
annexation of the West Bank.
Mr Netanyahu has drawn the right
lesson from the aid deal – he can act
against the Palestinians with continuing
US impunity.
- See more at: http://www.jonathan-cook.net/2016-09-19/palestinians-lose-in-us-military-aid-deal-with-israel/#sthash.fL4Eq28N.dpuf
October 11, 2016 "Information
Clearing House"
-
"The
Intercept"
-
From the start of the
hideous Saudi bombing campaign
against Yemen 18 months ago, two
countries have played active, vital
roles in enabling the carnage: the
U.S. and U.K. The atrocities
committed by the Saudis would have
been impossible without their
steadfast, aggressive support.
The Obama administration “has
offered to sell $115 billion worth
of weapons to Saudi Arabia over its
eight years in office, more than any
previous U.S. administration,” as
The Guardian reported this week, and
also provides
extensive surveillance technology.
As The Intercept
documented in April, “In his
first five years as president, Obama
sold
$30 billion more in weapons than
President Bush did during his entire
eight years as commander in chief.”
Most important,
according to the Saudi foreign
minister, although it is the Saudis
who have ultimate authority to
choose targets, “British and
American military officials are in
the command and control center for
Saudi airstrikes on Yemen” and “have
access to lists of targets.” In sum,
while this bombing campaign is
invariably described in Western
media outlets as “Saudi-led,” the
U.S. and U.K. are both central,
indispensable participants. As the
New York Times editorial
page
put it in August: “The United
States is complicit in this
carnage,” while The
Guardian editorialized that
“Britain bears much responsibility
for this suffering.”
From the start, the U.S.- and
U.K.-backed Saudis have
indiscriminately and at times
deliberately bombed civilians,
killing thousands of innocent
people. From Yemen, Iona Craig and
Alex Potter have reported
extensively for The Intercept on
the
widespread civilian deaths
caused by
this bombing campaign. As the
Saudis continued to recklessly and
intentionally bomb civilians, the
American and British weapons kept
pouring into Riyadh, ensuring that
the civilian massacres continued.
Every once and awhile, when a
particularly gruesome mass killing
made its way into the news, Obama
and various British officials would
issue
cursory, obligatory statements
expressing “concern,” then go
right back to fueling the attacks.
This weekend, as American attention
was devoted almost exclusively to
Donald Trump, one of the most
revolting massacres took place. On
Saturday,
warplanes attacked a funeral
gathering in Sana, repeatedly
bombing the hall where it took
place, killing over 100 people and
wounding more than 500 (see photo
above). Video shows just some of the
destruction and carnage:
Saudi officials first
lied by trying to blame “other
causes” but have since walked
that back. The next time someone who
identifies with the Muslim world
attacks American or British
citizens, and those countries’
leading political voices answer the
question “why, oh why, do they hate
us?” by assuring everyone that “they
hate us for our freedoms,” it would
be instructive to watch that video.
The Obama White House, through its
spokesperson Ned Price,
condemned what it called “the
troubling series of attacks striking
Yemeni civilians” — attacks, it did
not note, it has repeatedly
supported — and lamely warned that
“U.S. security cooperation with
Saudi Arabia is not a blank check.”
That is exactly what it is. The 18
months of bombing supported by the
U.S. and U.K. has,
as the NYT put it this morning,
“largely failed, while reports of
civilian deaths have grown common,
and much of the country is on the
brink of famine.”
It has been known from the start
that the Saudi bombing campaign has
been indiscriminate and reckless,
and yet Obama and the U.K.
government continued to play central
roles. A U.N. report
obtained in January by The
Guardian “uncovered ‘widespread and
systematic’ attacks on civilian
targets in violation of
international humanitarian law”; the
report found that “the coalition had
conducted airstrikes targeting
civilians and civilian objects, in
violation of international
humanitarian law, including camps
for internally displaced persons and
refugees; civilian gatherings,
including weddings; civilian
vehicles, including buses; civilian
residential areas; medical
facilities; schools; mosques;
markets, factories and food storage
warehouses; and other essential
civilian infrastructure.”
But what was not known, until an
excellent Reuters report
by Warren Strobel and Jonathan
Landay this morning, is that Obama
was explicitly warned not only that
the Saudis were committing war
crimes, but that the U.S. itself
could be legally regarded as
complicit in them:
The Obama administration went
ahead with a $1.3 billion arms
sale to Saudi Arabia last year
despite warnings from some
officials that the United States
could be implicated in war
crimes for supporting a
Saudi-led air campaign in Yemen
that has killed thousands of
civilians, according to
government documents and the
accounts of current and former
officials.
State Department officials also
were privately skeptical of the
Saudi military’s ability to
target Houthi militants without
killing civilians and destroying
“critical infrastructure” needed
for Yemen to recover, according
to the emails and other records
obtained by Reuters and
interviews with nearly a dozen
officials with knowledge of
those discussions.
In other words, the 2009 Nobel Peace
Prize winner was explicitly advised
that he might be a collaborator in
war crimes by arming a campaign that
deliberately targets civilians, and
continued to provide record-breaking
amounts of arms to aid their
prosecution. None of that should be
surprising: It would be difficult
for Obama to condemn “double-tap”
strikes of the kind the Saudis just
perpetrated — where first responders
or mourners are targeted — given
that he himself has
used that tactic, commonly
described as a hallmark of
“terrorism.” For their part, the
British blocked EU inquiries
into whether war crimes were being
committed in Yemen, while key MPs
have
blocked reports proving that
U.K. weapons were being used in the
commission of war crimes and the
deliberate targeting of civilians.
The U.S. and U.K. are the two
leading countries when it comes to
cynically exploiting human rights
concerns and the laws of war to
attack their adversaries. They and
their leading columnists love to
issue pretty, self-righteous
speeches about how other nations —
those primitive, evil ones over
there — target civilians and commit
war crimes. Yet here they both are,
standing firmly behind one of the
planet’s most brutal and repressive
regimes, arming it to the teeth with
the full and undeniable knowledge
that they are enabling massacres
that recklessly, and in many cases,
deliberately, target civilians.
And these 18 months of atrocities
have barely merited a mention in the
U.S. election, despite the key role
the leading candidate, Hillary
Clinton, has played
in arming the Saudis, to say
nothing of the
millions of dollars her family’s
foundation has received from its
regime (her opponent, Donald Trump,
has barely uttered a word about the
issue, and himself has
received millions in profits
from various Saudi oligarchs).
One reason American and British
political and media elites love to
wax eloquently when condemning the
brutality of the enemies of their
own government is because doing so
advances tribal, nationalistic ends:
It’s a strategy for weakening
adversaries while strengthening
their own governments. But at least
as significant a motive is that
issuing such condemnations distracts
attention from their own war crimes
and massacres, the ones they are
enabling and supporting.
There are some nations on the planet
with credibility to condemn war
crimes and the deliberate targeting
of civilians. The two countries who
have spent close to two years arming
Saudi Arabia in its ongoing
slaughter of Yemeni civilians are
most certainly not among them.