The announcement last week by the United
States of the largest military aid
package in its history – to Israel – was
a win for both sides.
Israeli prime
minister Benjamin Netanyahu could boast
that his lobbying had boosted aid from
$3.1 billion a year to $3.8bn – a 22 per
cent increase – for a decade starting in
2019.
Mr Netanyahu has presented this as a
rebuff to those who accuse him of
jeopardising Israeli security interests
with his government’s repeated affronts
to the White House.
In the past weeks alone, defence
minister Avigdor Lieberman has compared
last year’s nuclear deal between
Washington and Iran with the 1938 Munich
pact, which bolstered Hitler; and Mr
Netanyahu has implied that US opposition
to settlement expansion is the same as
support for the “ethnic cleansing” of
Jews.
American president Barack Obama,
meanwhile, hopes to stifle his own
critics who insinuate that he is
anti-Israel. The deal should serve as a
fillip too for Hillary Clinton, the
Democratic party’s candidate to succeed
Mr Obama in November’s election.
In reality, however, the Obama
administration has quietly punished Mr
Netanyahu for his misbehaviour. Israeli
expectations of a $4.5bn-a-year deal
were whittled down after Mr Netanyahu
stalled negotiations last year as he
sought to recruit Congress to his battle
against the Iran deal.
In fact, Israel already receives
roughly $3.8bn – if Congress’s
assistance on developing missile defence
programmes is factored in. Notably,
Israel has been forced to promise not to
approach Congress for extra funds.
The deal takes into account neither
inflation nor the dollar’s depreciation
against the shekel.
A bigger blow still is the White
House’s demand to phase out a special
exemption that allowed Israel to spend
nearly 40 per cent of aid locally on
weapon and fuel purchases. Israel will
soon have to buy all its armaments from
the US, ending what amounted to a
subsidy to its own arms industry.
Nonetheless, Washington’s renewed
military largesse – in the face of
almost continual insults – inevitably
fuels claims that the Israeli tail is
wagging the US dog. Even The New York
Times has described the aid package as
“too big”.
Since the 1973 war, Israel has
received at least $100bn in military
aid, with more assistance hidden from
view. Back in the 1970s, Washington paid
half of Israel’s military budget. Today
it still foots a fifth of the bill,
despite Israel’s economic success.
But the US expects a return on its
massive investment. As the late Israeli
politician-general Ariel Sharon once
observed, Israel has been a US
“aircraft carrier” in the Middle East,
acting as the regional bully and
carrying out operations that benefit
Washington.
Almost no one blames the US for
Israeli attacks that wiped out Iraq’s
and Syria’s nuclear programmes. A
nuclear-armed Iraq or Syria would have
deterred later US-backed moves at regime
overthrow, as well as countering the
strategic advantage Israel derives from
its own nuclear arsenal.
In addition, Israel’s US-sponsored
military prowess is a triple boon to the
US weapons industry, the country’s most
powerful lobby. Public funds are
siphoned off to let Israel buy goodies
from American arms makers. That, in
turn, serves as a shop window for other
customers and spurs an endless and
lucrative game of catch-up in the rest
of the Middle East.
The first F-35 fighter jets to arrive
in Israel in December – their various
components produced in 46 US states –
will increase the clamour for the
cutting-edge warplane.
Israel is also a “front-line
laboratory”, as former Israeli army
negotiator Eival Gilady admitted at the
weekend, that develops and field-tests
new technology Washington can later use
itself.
The US is planning to buy back the
missile interception system Iron Dome –
which neutralises battlefield threats of
retaliation – it largely paid for.
Israel works closely too with the US in
developing cyberwarfare, such as the
Stuxnet worm that damaged Iran’s
civilian nuclear programme.
But the clearest message from
Israel’s new aid package is one
delivered to the Palestinians:
Washington sees no pressing strategic
interest in ending the occupation. It
stood up to Mr Netanyahu over the Iran
deal but will not risk a damaging clash
over Palestinian statehood.
Some believe that Mr Obama signed the
aid package to win the credibility
necessary to overcome his domestic
Israel lobby and pull a rabbit from the
hat: an initiative, unveiled shortly
before he leaves office, that corners Mr
Netanyahu into making peace.
Hopes have been raised by an expected
meeting at the United Nations in New
York on Wednesday. But their first talks
in 10 months are planned only to
demonstrate unity to confound critics of
the aid deal.
If Mr Obama really wanted to pressure
Mr Netanyahu, he would have used the aid
agreement as leverage. Now Mr Netanyahu
need not fear US financial retaliation,
even as he intensifies effective
annexation of the West Bank.
Mr Netanyahu has drawn the right
lesson from the aid deal – he can act
against the Palestinians with continuing
US impunity.
- See more at: http://www.jonathan-cook.net/2016-09-19/palestinians-lose-in-us-military-aid-deal-with-israel/#sthash.fL4Eq28N.dpuf
October 07, 2016 "Information
Clearing House"
- "The
Intercept"
- In
2010, Israel’s then-defense
minister, Ehud Barak, explicitly
warned that Israel would become
a permanent “apartheid” state if it
failed to reach a peace agreement
with Palestinians that creates their
own sovereign nation and vests them
with full political rights. “As long
as in this territory west of the
Jordan River there is only one
political entity called Israel, it
is going to be either non-Jewish, or
non-democratic,” Barak said. “If
this bloc of millions of
Palestinians cannot vote, that will
be an apartheid state.”
Honest observers on both sides of
the conflict have long acknowledged
that the prospects for a two-state
solution are virtually non-existent:
another way of saying that Israel’s
status as a permanent apartheid
regime is inevitable. Indeed, U.S.
intelligence agencies as
early as 45 years ago explicitly
warned that Israeli occupation
would become permanent if it did not
end quickly.
All relevant evidence makes clear
this is what has happened. There has
been no progress toward a two-state
solution for many years. The
composition
of Israel’s Jewish population —
which has become far more
belligerent and right-wing than
previous generations — has
increasingly moved the country
further away from that goal. There
are
key ministers in Israel’s government,
including its genuinely extremist
justice minister, who are
openly and expressly opposed to a
two-state solution. Israel’s
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu
has himself repeatedly made clear he
opposes such an agreement, both
in words and
in deeds. In sum, Israel
intends to continue to rule over and
occupy Palestinians and deny them
self-governance, political
liberties, and voting rights
indefinitely.
Whether despite this aggression and
oppression, or because of it, the
Obama administration has continually
protected Israel with unstinting
loyalty and lavished it with arms
and money. This rewarding of Israeli
behavior culminated in the
administration’s announcement
just three weeks ago that it has
signed a “memorandum of
understanding” to significantly
increase the amount of money the
U.S. gives to Israel every year,
even though Israel was already by
far the biggest recipient of U.S.
aid. Under this agreement, the U.S.
will give Israel $38 billion over
10 years, by far a new record for
U.S. aid commitments, even though
Israeli citizens enjoy all sorts of
state benefits that Americans
(whose money is being given to
Israel) are told are too costly for
them, including universal health
care coverage, and tout superior
life expectancy and infant mortality
rates.
This week, with its fresh new $38
billion commitment in hand, the
Israeli government announced the
approval of an all new settlement in
the West Bank, one that
is particularly hostile
to ostensible U.S. policy, the
international consensus, and any
prospects for an end to occupation.
The new settlement, “one of a string
of housing complexes that threaten
to bisect the West Bank,” as the New
York Times
put it this morning, “is
designed to house settlers from a
nearby illegal outpost, Amona, which
an Israeli court has ordered
demolished.” This new settlement
extends far into the West Bank:
closer to Jordan, in fact, than to
Israel.
In response to this announcement,
the U.S. State Department yesterday
issued an unusually harsh
denunciation of Israel’s
actions. “We strongly condemn the
Israeli government’s recent decision
to advance a plan that would create
a significant new settlement deep in
the West Bank,” it began. It
suggested Netanyahu has been
publicly lying, noting that the
“approval contradicts previous
public statements by the government
of Israel that it had no intention
of creating new settlements.” The
State Department invoked the aid
package the U.S. just lavished
to describe it as “deeply troubling,
in the wake of Israel and the U.S.
concluding an unprecedented
agreement on military assistance
designed to further strengthen
Israel’s security, that Israel would
take a decision so contrary to its
long-term security interest in a
peaceful resolution of its conflict
with the Palestinians.”
Much of that, while a bit more
rhetorically clear than usual, is
par for the course: The U.S. — in
vintage Obama fashion —
issues pretty, pleasing statements
claiming to be upset at Israel’s
settlements while taking continuous
actions to protect and enable
the very policies Obama pretends to
oppose. But the State Department
denunciation yesterday was actually
notable for what amounts to its
stark and explicit acknowledgement —
long overdue — that Israel is
clearly and irreversibly committed
to ruling over the Palestinians in
perpetuity, becoming the exact
“apartheid” state about which Barak
warned:
Israelis must ultimately decide
between expanding settlements
and preserving the possibility
of a peaceful two state
solution. Since the recent
Quartet report called on both
sides to take affirmative steps
to reverse current trends and
advance the two state solution
on the ground, we have
unfortunately seen just the
opposite. Proceeding with this
new settlement is another
step towards cementing a
one-state reality of perpetual
occupation that is
fundamentally inconsistent with
Israel’s future as a Jewish and
democratic state. Such moves
will only draw condemnation from
the international community,
distance Israel from many of its
partners, and further call into
question Israel’s commitment to
achieving a negotiated peace.
So Israel — in the words of its most
loyal benefactor — is moving
inexorably “towards cementing a
one-state reality of perpetual
occupation” that is anti-democratic:
i.e., the equivalent of apartheid.
And the leading protector and
enabler of this apartheid regime is
the U.S. — just as was true of the
apartheid regime of the 1980s in
South Africa.
Worse still, the person highly
likely to be the next U.S.
president, Hillary Clinton, has not
only vowed to continue all this but
to
increase
U.S. protection of both Israel
generally and Netanyahu specifically;
indeed, her only critique of U.S.
policy is that it has been
insufficiently loyal to Israel.
Her leading opponent, Donald Trump,
early on spouted a bit of
off-the-cuff dissent on Israel
policy but since then has snapped
fully into line. The utter lack of
political dissent about all of this
in the U.S. political class is
reflected by the fact that the only
opposition to the $38 billion aid
package came from U.S. senators who
— echoing Netanyahu — were
angry that it was not even more
generous to Israel on the backs
of American citizens. In sum,
unstinting support for an apartheid
Israel is the virtually unbroken
consensus among U.S. political
elites.
Worst of all is that U.S. political
orthodoxy has not only funded,
fueled, and protected this apartheid
state, but has attempted to
render illegitimate all forms of
resistance to it. Just as it did
with
the African National Congress and
Nelson Mandela, the U.S.
denounces as “terrorism” all groups
and individuals that use force
against Israel’s occupying armies.
It has formally maligned non-violent
programs against the occupation —
such as the boycott, divestment, and
sanctions movement — as bigotry and
anti-Semitism (a position
Clinton has advocated with
particular vehemence), and that
boycott movement has been
increasingly targeted throughout the
West
with censorship and even
criminalization. Under U.S.
political orthodoxy, the only
acceptable course for Palestinians
and supporters of their right to be
free of occupation is complete
submission.
Even as Western consensus continues
to revere the most stalwart
supporters of South Africa’s
apartheid regime —
Ronald Reagan,
Margaret Thatcher,
Shimon Peres — it at least now
regards apartheid itself in that
country as a historic disgrace.
History should regard those enabling
Israel’s own march to permanent
apartheid in exactly the same light.
The most aggressive and consistent
enablers of this apartheid are found
at the top of the U.S. political
class.