The announcement last week by the United
States of the largest military aid
package in its history – to Israel – was
a win for both sides.
Israeli prime
minister Benjamin Netanyahu could boast
that his lobbying had boosted aid from
$3.1 billion a year to $3.8bn – a 22 per
cent increase – for a decade starting in
2019.
Mr Netanyahu has presented this as a
rebuff to those who accuse him of
jeopardising Israeli security interests
with his government’s repeated affronts
to the White House.
In the past weeks alone, defence
minister Avigdor Lieberman has compared
last year’s nuclear deal between
Washington and Iran with the 1938 Munich
pact, which bolstered Hitler; and Mr
Netanyahu has implied that US opposition
to settlement expansion is the same as
support for the “ethnic cleansing” of
Jews.
American president Barack Obama,
meanwhile, hopes to stifle his own
critics who insinuate that he is
anti-Israel. The deal should serve as a
fillip too for Hillary Clinton, the
Democratic party’s candidate to succeed
Mr Obama in November’s election.
In reality, however, the Obama
administration has quietly punished Mr
Netanyahu for his misbehaviour. Israeli
expectations of a $4.5bn-a-year deal
were whittled down after Mr Netanyahu
stalled negotiations last year as he
sought to recruit Congress to his battle
against the Iran deal.
In fact, Israel already receives
roughly $3.8bn – if Congress’s
assistance on developing missile defence
programmes is factored in. Notably,
Israel has been forced to promise not to
approach Congress for extra funds.
The deal takes into account neither
inflation nor the dollar’s depreciation
against the shekel.
A bigger blow still is the White
House’s demand to phase out a special
exemption that allowed Israel to spend
nearly 40 per cent of aid locally on
weapon and fuel purchases. Israel will
soon have to buy all its armaments from
the US, ending what amounted to a
subsidy to its own arms industry.
Nonetheless, Washington’s renewed
military largesse – in the face of
almost continual insults – inevitably
fuels claims that the Israeli tail is
wagging the US dog. Even The New York
Times has described the aid package as
“too big”.
Since the 1973 war, Israel has
received at least $100bn in military
aid, with more assistance hidden from
view. Back in the 1970s, Washington paid
half of Israel’s military budget. Today
it still foots a fifth of the bill,
despite Israel’s economic success.
But the US expects a return on its
massive investment. As the late Israeli
politician-general Ariel Sharon once
observed, Israel has been a US
“aircraft carrier” in the Middle East,
acting as the regional bully and
carrying out operations that benefit
Washington.
Almost no one blames the US for
Israeli attacks that wiped out Iraq’s
and Syria’s nuclear programmes. A
nuclear-armed Iraq or Syria would have
deterred later US-backed moves at regime
overthrow, as well as countering the
strategic advantage Israel derives from
its own nuclear arsenal.
In addition, Israel’s US-sponsored
military prowess is a triple boon to the
US weapons industry, the country’s most
powerful lobby. Public funds are
siphoned off to let Israel buy goodies
from American arms makers. That, in
turn, serves as a shop window for other
customers and spurs an endless and
lucrative game of catch-up in the rest
of the Middle East.
The first F-35 fighter jets to arrive
in Israel in December – their various
components produced in 46 US states –
will increase the clamour for the
cutting-edge warplane.
Israel is also a “front-line
laboratory”, as former Israeli army
negotiator Eival Gilady admitted at the
weekend, that develops and field-tests
new technology Washington can later use
itself.
The US is planning to buy back the
missile interception system Iron Dome –
which neutralises battlefield threats of
retaliation – it largely paid for.
Israel works closely too with the US in
developing cyberwarfare, such as the
Stuxnet worm that damaged Iran’s
civilian nuclear programme.
But the clearest message from
Israel’s new aid package is one
delivered to the Palestinians:
Washington sees no pressing strategic
interest in ending the occupation. It
stood up to Mr Netanyahu over the Iran
deal but will not risk a damaging clash
over Palestinian statehood.
Some believe that Mr Obama signed the
aid package to win the credibility
necessary to overcome his domestic
Israel lobby and pull a rabbit from the
hat: an initiative, unveiled shortly
before he leaves office, that corners Mr
Netanyahu into making peace.
Hopes have been raised by an expected
meeting at the United Nations in New
York on Wednesday. But their first talks
in 10 months are planned only to
demonstrate unity to confound critics of
the aid deal.
If Mr Obama really wanted to pressure
Mr Netanyahu, he would have used the aid
agreement as leverage. Now Mr Netanyahu
need not fear US financial retaliation,
even as he intensifies effective
annexation of the West Bank.
Mr Netanyahu has drawn the right
lesson from the aid deal – he can act
against the Palestinians with continuing
US impunity.
- See more at: http://www.jonathan-cook.net/2016-09-19/palestinians-lose-in-us-military-aid-deal-with-israel/#sthash.fL4Eq28N.dpuf
The
New York Times Suddenly Embraces
International Law To Condemn Russia
By
Matt Peppe
October 05, 2016 "Information
Clearing House"
-As
the Syrian Arab Army dug in for a fight
against the self-declared Islamic State on
September 17, they were struck by an air
raid that killed
62 soldiers and injured 100 more. The
culprit was a foreign military that has
never been attacked by, and has not declared
war on, Syria. Two weeks later, that same
nation’s military killed
22 soldiers in a strike inside Somalia,
another country which it had never been
attacked by nor declared war on. The very
next day the New York Times published a
stinging editorial decrying flagrant
violations of international law by an
“outlaw nation.”
The
Times, of course, was not referring to the
perpetrator of both attacks: the United
States government. Each act was a clear
violation of
Article 2 (4) of the UN Charter
prohibiting the use of force against another
nation and demanding respect for its
sovereignty. But the “supreme international
crime” of aggression did not merit mention
in the Times, who saw something far more
sinister than carrying out illegal massacres
across countries and continents in the
actions of “Vladimir
Putin’s Outlaw State.”
Russia, according to the Times’ righteous
defenders of international law, is guilty of
violating “not only the rules intended to
promote peace instead of conflict, but also
common human decency.” The editorial board
finds not only disregard for the law, but
the absence of standard ethics accepted by
civilized people and societies. It is a
pretentious way of saying that Russia’s
leaders are sociopathic, lacking the
humanism and benevolence of Americans and
their allies.
The
cause for the Times’ outrage was the
international report released last week that
claims Malaysia Airlines Flight 17 (MH17)
was shot down and its 298 passengers and
crew members killed by Ukranian rebels
fighting the illegitimate government formed
in the wake of the U.S.-backed coup in Kiev.
The rebels in the Eastern part of Ukraine
were resisting bombing and shelling in their
towns and cities by fascist and
neo-Nazi led militias representing a
coup government which had, among other
things, rescinded a
language law extremely important to the
mostly Russian speaking – and ethnically
Russian – residents near Donbass.
The
investigation claims the Buk surface-to-air
missile responsible for blowing up the
Malyasian passenger plane was supplied by
Russia and subsequently returned to Russia.
The headline in the Times was that the
report “links”
Russia to the deaths. It does not, however,
find they participated in the attack or had
any advanced knowledge of plans to kill
civilians. The Times claims the report “uses
strict standards of evidence and
meticulously documents not only the
deployment of the Russian missile system
that caused the disaster but also Moscow’s
continuing cover-up.” In reality, this claim
could hardly be taken seriously.
RT,
a news organization funded by the Russian
government,
notes that the report depends on unnamed
witnesses, anonymous phone calls, and
computer simulations. Radar data, perhaps
the most reliable source of evidence, was
absent from the report’s findings. The
report claims U.S.-provided radar data
supported its conclusion, but such data was
not included as evidence. Russia provided
its own data, which purportedly shows that
no missile was detected in rebel-held areas.
The
Times calls on the United States to pursue
the “quest for accountability.” This is
noticeably different than the editorial
board’s tone in 1988 when the U.S. warship
U.S.S. Vincennes stationed in Iranian waters
shot down Iran Air Flight 655 inside Iranian
airspace and killed 290 passengers and crew.
In that case, there was no question the
weapon belonged to the United States.
Furthermore, there was no question the
United States military itself blew the plane
out of the sky and killed everyone on board.
They admitted it. The Times called the
incident a “terrible
mistake” and a “blunder” committed
amidst the “fog of war.” However, not
everyone was so quick to accept the
government’s rationalizations at face value
and dismiss the incident with a shrug of the
shoulders.
Colonel David R. Carlson
of the U.S. Navy, who was aboard a different
ship near the Vincennes at the time,
revealed that he and his colleagues had
nicknamed the Vincennes “Robo Cruiser” for
its belligerent actions prior to
incinerating a plane full of civilians.
Carlson suggested that the Vincennes’ crew
may have been seeking to battle test the new
Aegis Combat System aboard the vessel.
Disputing that an attack on the Vincennes
was inevitable, Carlson writes: “I don’t buy
it… My guess was that the crew of the
Vincennes felt a need to prove the viability
of Aegis in the Persian Gulf, and that they
hankered for an opportunity to show their
stuff. This, I believe, was the climate that
aided in generating the ‘fog.’ “
But
the Times editorial board assures readers
that the American military simply made a
tragic, regrettable, mistake. Just like the
editorial board nearly 30 years later would
explain that the sustained, hour-long
destruction of a Doctors Without Borders
hospital in Kunduz, Afghanistan was caused
by a “torrent
of mistakes” due to “gross negligence.”
Again, tragic and regrettable mistakes.
Presumably no different than the U.S.
government’s “mistakes” of kidnapping and
torturing people never charged with crimes,
hunting and killing political cadres in
South Vietnam, organizing and training
fascist death squads across Latin America,
or killing hundreds of thousands of
civilians while carpet bombing Cambodia,
Laos, North Korea, Japan and Germany.
For
the Times, international law is not an issue
if a country has benevolent intentions,
which the United States always does,
naturally. No matter that the U.S. never
obtained U.N. Security Council approval to
wage war on Somalia, Syria, Yemen, Pakistan,
Iraq or Afghanistan. Or that U.S. warships
had no business in participating in a war
between Iraq and Iran in 1988. The U.S., due
to its status as an exceptional nation, is
able to be judged by its own moral criteria
in place of the existing legal framework
that international treaties (and its own
Constitution) obligate the government to
follow.
Russia, on the other hand, is a rogue state
led by deranged and irrational savages. As a
permanent member of the Security Council –
obviously a regrettable historical accident
– Russia holds a “special responsibility to
uphold international law.” One would think
from reading this that it was actually
Russia, rather than the United States, that
has used its veto on the Council far more
than any other member during the last 45
years, including 42 vetoes shielding Israel
from accountability for its oppression of
Palestinians and aggression against
neighboring countries.
The
other cause for the Times’ wrath against
Russia is its behavior in Syria, where
“(t)here seems to be no holding Putin to
account.”
The
United States has no legal right to violate
of the sovereignty of Syria, making any and
all American military actions inside Syrian
territory necessarily illegal.
Russia, on the other hand, is engaging
militarily at the behest of the legitimate
Syrian government, which is permissible
under international law. Russia meets jus ad
bellum criteria regarding whether a war is
justifiable. Of course, they also have to
comply with jus in bello rules regarding
conduct during war.
While there is substantial
evidence Russia may be in violation of
international humanitarian law, absent
adjudication in a court of law the evidence
is merely one side of the story. The Times
accuses Russia (specifically Putin) of “air
attacks that have included bunker-busting
bombs that can destroy underground hospitals
and safety zones where civilians seek
shelter” and bombing an aid convoy.
Unsurprisingly, there is no substantiation
of these claims, or even links provided with
such accusations.
The Guardian earlier this week quoted a
think tank employee stating that
“(c)onclusive proof that Russia is using
bunker-busters may be hard to find.” The
U.S. Air Force does possess such weapons,
namely the 37,000 pound
Massive Ordnance Penetrator, and it has
been pronounced “ready”
for use.
The
Times also implies that Russia violated a
ceasefire negotiated with U.S. Secretary of
State John Kerry. As Gareth Porter has
reported, the U.S. itself is actually
responsible for sabotaging multiple
ceasefires negotiated with Russia. Porter
wrote in
FAIR that in early April the Al Qaeda
franchise in Syria, Al Nusra, along with its
embedded U.S.-backed “moderate” rebels,
launched an offensive intended to undermine
the ceasefire, which it succeeded in
accomplishing. When the Syrian government
responded by counter-attacking the rebels,
major media outlets, including the New York
Times, erased the original jihadist attack
and implicitly stated that regime bombings
were responsible for the end of the
ceasefire.
Last week, Porter wrote in
Middle East Eye that the Pentagon had
destroyed another ceasefire by attacking
Syrian troops on September 17, in what the
Times would undoubtedly declare another
“mistake.” Porter notes that “the final blow
apparently came from the Russian-Syrian
side,” but this was “provoked” by the U.S.
bombing. The Times, though, contends that
Russia and Syria have undermined the U.S. in
negotiations over an end to hostilities,
rejecting reasonable American overtures in
order to “continue the slaughter.”
As
I have
written
previously, and Howard Friel and Richard
Falk have extensively documented in their
book
The Record of the Paper, the New York
Times consistently ignores international law
as a matter of editorial policy in regards
to the actions of the United States
government. But official enemies like Russia
and its president Vladimir Putin are subject
to a transparently hypocritical double
standard, in which accusations become facts,
and international law is suddenly the gold
standard by which governments and their
officials should be judged.
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