The announcement last week by the United
States of the largest military aid
package in its history – to Israel – was
a win for both sides.
Israeli prime
minister Benjamin Netanyahu could boast
that his lobbying had boosted aid from
$3.1 billion a year to $3.8bn – a 22 per
cent increase – for a decade starting in
2019.
Mr Netanyahu has presented this as a
rebuff to those who accuse him of
jeopardising Israeli security interests
with his government’s repeated affronts
to the White House.
In the past weeks alone, defence
minister Avigdor Lieberman has compared
last year’s nuclear deal between
Washington and Iran with the 1938 Munich
pact, which bolstered Hitler; and Mr
Netanyahu has implied that US opposition
to settlement expansion is the same as
support for the “ethnic cleansing” of
Jews.
American president Barack Obama,
meanwhile, hopes to stifle his own
critics who insinuate that he is
anti-Israel. The deal should serve as a
fillip too for Hillary Clinton, the
Democratic party’s candidate to succeed
Mr Obama in November’s election.
In reality, however, the Obama
administration has quietly punished Mr
Netanyahu for his misbehaviour. Israeli
expectations of a $4.5bn-a-year deal
were whittled down after Mr Netanyahu
stalled negotiations last year as he
sought to recruit Congress to his battle
against the Iran deal.
In fact, Israel already receives
roughly $3.8bn – if Congress’s
assistance on developing missile defence
programmes is factored in. Notably,
Israel has been forced to promise not to
approach Congress for extra funds.
The deal takes into account neither
inflation nor the dollar’s depreciation
against the shekel.
A bigger blow still is the White
House’s demand to phase out a special
exemption that allowed Israel to spend
nearly 40 per cent of aid locally on
weapon and fuel purchases. Israel will
soon have to buy all its armaments from
the US, ending what amounted to a
subsidy to its own arms industry.
Nonetheless, Washington’s renewed
military largesse – in the face of
almost continual insults – inevitably
fuels claims that the Israeli tail is
wagging the US dog. Even The New York
Times has described the aid package as
“too big”.
Since the 1973 war, Israel has
received at least $100bn in military
aid, with more assistance hidden from
view. Back in the 1970s, Washington paid
half of Israel’s military budget. Today
it still foots a fifth of the bill,
despite Israel’s economic success.
But the US expects a return on its
massive investment. As the late Israeli
politician-general Ariel Sharon once
observed, Israel has been a US
“aircraft carrier” in the Middle East,
acting as the regional bully and
carrying out operations that benefit
Washington.
Almost no one blames the US for
Israeli attacks that wiped out Iraq’s
and Syria’s nuclear programmes. A
nuclear-armed Iraq or Syria would have
deterred later US-backed moves at regime
overthrow, as well as countering the
strategic advantage Israel derives from
its own nuclear arsenal.
In addition, Israel’s US-sponsored
military prowess is a triple boon to the
US weapons industry, the country’s most
powerful lobby. Public funds are
siphoned off to let Israel buy goodies
from American arms makers. That, in
turn, serves as a shop window for other
customers and spurs an endless and
lucrative game of catch-up in the rest
of the Middle East.
The first F-35 fighter jets to arrive
in Israel in December – their various
components produced in 46 US states –
will increase the clamour for the
cutting-edge warplane.
Israel is also a “front-line
laboratory”, as former Israeli army
negotiator Eival Gilady admitted at the
weekend, that develops and field-tests
new technology Washington can later use
itself.
The US is planning to buy back the
missile interception system Iron Dome –
which neutralises battlefield threats of
retaliation – it largely paid for.
Israel works closely too with the US in
developing cyberwarfare, such as the
Stuxnet worm that damaged Iran’s
civilian nuclear programme.
But the clearest message from
Israel’s new aid package is one
delivered to the Palestinians:
Washington sees no pressing strategic
interest in ending the occupation. It
stood up to Mr Netanyahu over the Iran
deal but will not risk a damaging clash
over Palestinian statehood.
Some believe that Mr Obama signed the
aid package to win the credibility
necessary to overcome his domestic
Israel lobby and pull a rabbit from the
hat: an initiative, unveiled shortly
before he leaves office, that corners Mr
Netanyahu into making peace.
Hopes have been raised by an expected
meeting at the United Nations in New
York on Wednesday. But their first talks
in 10 months are planned only to
demonstrate unity to confound critics of
the aid deal.
If Mr Obama really wanted to pressure
Mr Netanyahu, he would have used the aid
agreement as leverage. Now Mr Netanyahu
need not fear US financial retaliation,
even as he intensifies effective
annexation of the West Bank.
Mr Netanyahu has drawn the right
lesson from the aid deal – he can act
against the Palestinians with continuing
US impunity.
- See more at: http://www.jonathan-cook.net/2016-09-19/palestinians-lose-in-us-military-aid-deal-with-israel/#sthash.fL4Eq28N.dpuf
Hillary Clinton-Pandora Redux
By George Capaccio
October 04, 2016 "Information
Clearing House"
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During
the first presidential debate, on Monday
evening, September 26, Democratic
frontrunner Hillary Clinton boasted of her
support for tough sanctions on Iran:
I
spent a year and a half putting together a
coalition that included Russia and China to
impose the toughest sanctions on Iran . . .
And we did drive them to the negotiating
table and my successor, John Kerry, and
President Obama got a deal that put a lid on
Iran’s nuclear program. Without firing a
single shot. That’s diplomacy.
How many of her supporters, upon hearing
this nod to the diplomatic track, thought
Hillary’s anti-Iran zeal was another
compelling reason to vote for her and one
more shining example of her leadership
panache? After all, she knows a thing or two
about how to get things done, and standing
up to those tricky mullahs in Tehran is what
any president worth her salt has to do.
Wasn’t Iran “weeks away from having enough
nuclear material to form a bomb” with which
to decimate Europe along with Iran’s
historical rival — Israel?
Well, if you listen to
Hillary tell it, you might very well believe
she’s got her proverbial finger on the truth
and is prepared to stand tall in the face of
the Iranian menace. And what better way to
keep this citadel of evil firmly in place
than by slapping ironclad sanctions on its
unctuous rulers. It bears repeating: Hillary
has experience. She knows how to get things
done whether as the First Lady with our
“first black president” Bill Clinton, then
as a New York senator, and, under Obama, as
Secretary of State. It was her husband who
maintained sanctions on Iraq for the entire
duration of his presidency. So she knows how
effective they can be in achieving foreign
policy goals, like keeping Saddam in a box
or preventing the doomsday weapon from
falling into Iran’s hands.
What she failed to mention during the recent
debate is the catastrophic effect sanctions
had on Iran’s economy and its civilian
population. Sanctions were only lifted in
July 2015 when the United States and various
world powers finalized an agreement with
Iran to “limit Tehran’s nuclear ability for
more than a decade in return for lifting
international oil and financial sanctions.”
On the very same day the deal took effect,
Hillary called for even more sanctions. Hard
to beat that for chutzpah.
I may not have her experience as a Capital
Hill bigwig, but I know a thing or two about
sanctions and how they impact, not just the
government of the targeted country but the
people as well. Having spent the better part
of a decade traveling to and from Iraq
during the sanctions years as a humanitarian
activist and seeing up front and personal
the deadly toll they were taking on the most
vulnerable members of Iraqi society, I am
distressed that one of our so-called leaders
and this season’s leading presidential
contender (if the soothsayers are correct)
would take credit for imposing tough
sanctions on Iran. If we take Hillary at her
word, then one can understand why she would
take credit for a policy that brought Iran
to the negotiating table and, from her
standpoint, prevented it from building a
nuclear weapon. However, notwithstanding her
claims, the evidence simply doesn’t back her
up. In 2007 a National Intelligence Estimate
concluded, based on intelligence findings
available at that time, that “in fall 2003,
Tehran halted its nuclear weapons program .
. . . ” Hillary Clinton’s tenure as
secretary of state lasted from 2009 to 2013.
In 2010 she began her work to have sanctions
imposed on Iran.
According to various sources, including
Global Research, sanctions were crippling
Iran’s economy and having their deadliest
impact on civilians just as they did in Iraq
where over half-a-million children died from
the medical consequences of malnutrition and
easily preventable water-borne diseases,
among other causes related to sanctions. The
United States first imposed sanctions in
1979 when the Iranian Revolution brought
Ayatollah Khomeini, a Shia Muslim religious
figure, into power as the supreme leader of
the world’s first Islamic republic. Over the
following decades, sanctions “increased in
scope and severity.” Thanks to Hillary’s
dedicated nurturing of the sanctions regime,
and in particular the set of draconian
sanctions she spearheaded in 2012, Iran’s
major source of income — oil exports — was
severely blocked. In a speech she gave in
2012, Hillary had this to say about her
handiwork:
We convinced all 27 nations of the European
Union to stop importing Iranian oil and all
20 major global importers of Iranian oil –
including Japan, India, China, and Turkey –
to make significant cuts . . . Iran today
exports more than one million fewer barrels
of crude each day than it did just last
year. Iran’s currency is worth less than
half of what it was last November.
As a “long-time advocate for crippling
sanctions against Iran,” Hillary voted in
favor of every sanctions bill that came
before the Senate during her two terms
there. Like her husband, she remains either
blind or merely indifferent to the suffering
that sanctions are capable of inflicting,
especially among the most vulnerable, who
are least able to influence the decisions of
their leaders, especially in a non-democracy
like Iran. Restricting a country’s access to
its most essential source of foreign revenue
is the equivalent of driving a stake into
the heart of that country’s economy. But
it’s not the political leadership who will
do the bleeding and dying. The severe
cutback in oil exports that Hillary is
apparently proud of orchestrating had a
deadly impact on the lives of ordinary
Iranian citizens, since the government could
scarcely finance “infrastructural work,
social and welfare services, hospitals,
schools, universities, state employees’
salaries and pensions.” By 2012, under
sanctions, the value of Iran’s currency had
declined by 80 percent. At the same time,
the prices of raw materials, spare parts,
foodstuffs, machinery, and medicine rose
precipitously. Unemployment likewise rose as
many businesses and factories had to shut
down.
Possibly the most painful
effect of the sanctions against Iran
occurred in relation to healthcare and the
availability of drugs to treat
life-threatening illnesses, such as heart,
lung, and kidney disease, multiple
sclerosis, and cancer, particularly
leukemia, which had become rampant in Iran.
A devalued currency coupled with the high
cost of raw materials necessary for the
production of pharmaceuticals resulted in
severe shortages of essential medicines. For
example, the effective treatment of patients
diagnosed with hemophilia requires
anticoagulant drugs. But under sanctions,
these drugs became unavailable, and
thousands of surgeries had to be cancelled.
One physician, the head of Iran’s Hemophilia
Society, had this to say about how sanctions
were affecting the practice of medicine in
his country:
This is a blatant hostage-taking of the most
vulnerable people by countries which claim
they care about human rights. Even a few
days of delay can have serious consequences,
like hemorrhage and disability.
Hillary’s touting of her role in bringing
Iran to the bargaining table through the
application of stringent economic sanctions
is, to my mind, an endorsement of collective
punishment. A closer look at the reality of
sanctions, beyond its somewhat sterile
connotations as an effective tool against
recalcitrant governments, reveals a world of
pain for innocent people. There is no single
payer health insurance; therefore, the most
important way for people to obtain coverage
is through their place of work. In April
2016, Iran’s deputy interior minister stated
that, even with the lifting of many economic
sanctions, unemployment currently stands at
between 40 and 60 percent in approximately
420 entire counties. This contributes to a
situation in which 15 million of Iran’s 78
million people are reportedly deprived of
even the most basic social services.
The same official added that “10 million
people are currently living in what could be
described as slums . . . .”
In the West, officials argued
that sanctions “are aimed at punishing the
Iranian regime in the hope of forcing it to
comply with international rules over its
disputed nuclear [program], but many
Iranians see things differently.” Having
witnessed how economic sanctions devastated
Iraqi society, I would agree with the
viewpoint of ordinary Iranians: The
sanctions were a form of economic warfare
whose ultimate purpose, in Iran as well as
Iraq, was to make life miserable for the
greatest number of people in the futile and
morally repugnant expectation that their
suffering would prompt them to rise up
against the government and accomplish what
Washington’s neoconservative warriors have
wanted all along — regime change.
Hillary is no stranger to
regime change. During her much-ballyhooed
career, she’s been instrumental in the
demise of governments unacceptable to the US
and their replacement by regimes more
amenable to our trade policies and/or
geopolitical interests. And in each case,
the results have been abysmal: violence,
repression, and chaos. And yet, with
Election Day fast approaching, the heat is
on to take a deep breath, hold our
collective nose, and cast our ballot for the
Queen of Chaos, the honorific title bestowed
upon Lady Hillary by progressive writer
Diana Johnstone. Some highly reputable and
influential lefties argue with a great deal
of brio that defeating Donald Trump must be
our foremost goal, even if it means voting
for someone like Hillary. As president, she
is likely to do much less harm than a
President Trump. Besides, what really
matters is growing and sustaining a
grassroots movement to challenge “business
as usual,” and the wrecking ball ideology
and nefarious schemes of Deep State
hobgoblins.
Okay, I get it. But come
Election Day, I doubt I will be able to
summon whatever it takes to cast my vote for
Hillary. The Clinton name, whether preceded
by “Hillary” or “Bill,” never fails to
conjure up images of the many seriously ill
children I saw in Iraqi hospitals where the
sanctions regime maintained by Bill and
endorsed by Hillary was a death sentence for
these children. The drugs they needed to
stay alive were simply not available thanks
in large measure to the UN’s 661 Committee,
which determined what Iraq was allowed to
import, and to the concerted efforts of Bill
Clinton and his junior partner in the UK to
continue the sanctions until Saddam was
gone, regardless of how many innocent Iraqis
died in the process.
How many children in Iran suffered a similar
fate as a consequence of the sanctions
Hillary brags about? In Greek mythology,
Pandora — not Eve — was the first woman on
Earth. Her creation was ordered by Zeus as a
way to punish that upstart Prometheus for
stealing fire from the gods and handing it
over to the humans. In addition to her
intoxicating, irresistible beauty, she was
given a jar filled with evils of all sorts
and warned never to open it. But that’s
exactly what she did when her innate
curiosity got the better of her. From the
one act of disobedience has come all the
miseries and afflictions that continue to
beset humanity.
Hillary, our very own version
of Pandora, has loosed so much suffering in
the course of her unwavering support for the
hegemonic pursuits of the Empire. Her
approval of Israel’s aggression against Gaza
during Operation Protective Edge in the
summer of 2014 is further evidence that she
is unworthy of our support. Hundreds of
Palestinian children died during 51 days of
aerial bombardment by the Israeli Defense
Forces. The United Nations Human Rights
Council convened a commission of inquiry,
which concluded that “Israel, and to a
lesser extent Palestinian armed groups, had
likely committed violations of international
humanitarian law and international human
rights law, some constituting war crimes.”
But by the light shining ever so brightly
from Hillary’s moral compass, Israel “did
what it had to do to respond to the [Hamas]
rockets.” One looks in vain for even a
smidgeon of compassion for the victims of
Israel’s crimes to say nothing of those who
have been crushed under the boots of US
imperialism.
Come Election Day, when I
enter the curtained booth at my polling
location, I will be thinking of those
victims — from Palestine, Iran, and Iraq to
Honduras, Yugoslavia, and Ukraine — and mark
my ballot accordingly.
George Capaccio is a writer
and activist living in Arlington, MA. During
the years of US- and UK-enforced sanctions
against Iraq, he traveled there numerous
times, bringing in banned items, befriending
families in Baghdad, and deepening his
understanding of how the sanctions were
impacting civilians. His email is
Georgecapaccio@verizon.net. He welcomes
comments and invites readers to visit his
website: www.georgecapaccio.com
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