The announcement last week by the United
States of the largest military aid
package in its history – to Israel – was
a win for both sides.
Israeli prime
minister Benjamin Netanyahu could boast
that his lobbying had boosted aid from
$3.1 billion a year to $3.8bn – a 22 per
cent increase – for a decade starting in
2019.
Mr Netanyahu has presented this as a
rebuff to those who accuse him of
jeopardising Israeli security interests
with his government’s repeated affronts
to the White House.
In the past weeks alone, defence
minister Avigdor Lieberman has compared
last year’s nuclear deal between
Washington and Iran with the 1938 Munich
pact, which bolstered Hitler; and Mr
Netanyahu has implied that US opposition
to settlement expansion is the same as
support for the “ethnic cleansing” of
Jews.
American president Barack Obama,
meanwhile, hopes to stifle his own
critics who insinuate that he is
anti-Israel. The deal should serve as a
fillip too for Hillary Clinton, the
Democratic party’s candidate to succeed
Mr Obama in November’s election.
In reality, however, the Obama
administration has quietly punished Mr
Netanyahu for his misbehaviour. Israeli
expectations of a $4.5bn-a-year deal
were whittled down after Mr Netanyahu
stalled negotiations last year as he
sought to recruit Congress to his battle
against the Iran deal.
In fact, Israel already receives
roughly $3.8bn – if Congress’s
assistance on developing missile defence
programmes is factored in. Notably,
Israel has been forced to promise not to
approach Congress for extra funds.
The deal takes into account neither
inflation nor the dollar’s depreciation
against the shekel.
A bigger blow still is the White
House’s demand to phase out a special
exemption that allowed Israel to spend
nearly 40 per cent of aid locally on
weapon and fuel purchases. Israel will
soon have to buy all its armaments from
the US, ending what amounted to a
subsidy to its own arms industry.
Nonetheless, Washington’s renewed
military largesse – in the face of
almost continual insults – inevitably
fuels claims that the Israeli tail is
wagging the US dog. Even The New York
Times has described the aid package as
“too big”.
Since the 1973 war, Israel has
received at least $100bn in military
aid, with more assistance hidden from
view. Back in the 1970s, Washington paid
half of Israel’s military budget. Today
it still foots a fifth of the bill,
despite Israel’s economic success.
But the US expects a return on its
massive investment. As the late Israeli
politician-general Ariel Sharon once
observed, Israel has been a US
“aircraft carrier” in the Middle East,
acting as the regional bully and
carrying out operations that benefit
Washington.
Almost no one blames the US for
Israeli attacks that wiped out Iraq’s
and Syria’s nuclear programmes. A
nuclear-armed Iraq or Syria would have
deterred later US-backed moves at regime
overthrow, as well as countering the
strategic advantage Israel derives from
its own nuclear arsenal.
In addition, Israel’s US-sponsored
military prowess is a triple boon to the
US weapons industry, the country’s most
powerful lobby. Public funds are
siphoned off to let Israel buy goodies
from American arms makers. That, in
turn, serves as a shop window for other
customers and spurs an endless and
lucrative game of catch-up in the rest
of the Middle East.
The first F-35 fighter jets to arrive
in Israel in December – their various
components produced in 46 US states –
will increase the clamour for the
cutting-edge warplane.
Israel is also a “front-line
laboratory”, as former Israeli army
negotiator Eival Gilady admitted at the
weekend, that develops and field-tests
new technology Washington can later use
itself.
The US is planning to buy back the
missile interception system Iron Dome –
which neutralises battlefield threats of
retaliation – it largely paid for.
Israel works closely too with the US in
developing cyberwarfare, such as the
Stuxnet worm that damaged Iran’s
civilian nuclear programme.
But the clearest message from
Israel’s new aid package is one
delivered to the Palestinians:
Washington sees no pressing strategic
interest in ending the occupation. It
stood up to Mr Netanyahu over the Iran
deal but will not risk a damaging clash
over Palestinian statehood.
Some believe that Mr Obama signed the
aid package to win the credibility
necessary to overcome his domestic
Israel lobby and pull a rabbit from the
hat: an initiative, unveiled shortly
before he leaves office, that corners Mr
Netanyahu into making peace.
Hopes have been raised by an expected
meeting at the United Nations in New
York on Wednesday. But their first talks
in 10 months are planned only to
demonstrate unity to confound critics of
the aid deal.
If Mr Obama really wanted to pressure
Mr Netanyahu, he would have used the aid
agreement as leverage. Now Mr Netanyahu
need not fear US financial retaliation,
even as he intensifies effective
annexation of the West Bank.
Mr Netanyahu has drawn the right
lesson from the aid deal – he can act
against the Palestinians with continuing
US impunity.
- See more at: http://www.jonathan-cook.net/2016-09-19/palestinians-lose-in-us-military-aid-deal-with-israel/#sthash.fL4Eq28N.dpuf
Another Kerry Rush to Judgment on Syria
The U.N. withdrew its claim that an
airstrike hit its Syrian relief convoy but
Secretary of State Kerry relied on the
outdated claim in lashing out at Russia in a
repeat of his earlier rushes to judgment.
By Robert Parry
September 24, 2016 "Information
Clearing House"
- "Consortium
News"
- Secretary
of State John Kerry has engaged in another
rush to judgment blaming the Russians for an
attack on a United Nations relief convoy in
Syria before any thorough investigation
could be conducted and thus prejudicing
whatever might follow, as he did with the
Syrian sarin case in 2013 and the shoot-down
of Malaysia Airlines Flight 17 in 2014.
Eager to go on the propaganda offensive –
especially after a U.S. military airstrike
last Saturday killed scores of Syrian
soldiers who were battling the Islamic State
in eastern Syria – Kerry pounced on an
initial report that the attack on the convoy
on Monday was an airstrike and then insisted
that the Russians must have been responsible
because one of their jets was supposedly in
the area.
But
the United Nations – and I’m told CIA
analysts – have not ruled out the
possibility that the convoy was instead hit
by a surface-to-surface missile. On Friday,
a source briefed by U.S. intelligence said
one fear is that the jihadist group, Ahrar
al-Sham, which has fought alongside Al
Qaeda’s Nusra Front but is deemed to be part
of the “moderate” opposition, may have used
a U.S.-supplied TOW missile in the attack.
Ahrar al-Sham, like some other jihadist
groups seeking to overthrow the Syrian
government, has objected to limited
cease-fires arranged by the Russians and the
Americans, which still allowed attacks on
its ally, the recently rebranded Nusra
Front. Ahrar al-Sham thus had a motive for
destroying the aid convoy, an act which
indeed has upended efforts to negotiate an
end to the five-year-old conflict and led to
bloody new attacks inside the embattled city
of Aleppo on Friday.
Another possibility was that a Syrian
government warplane was targeting a rebel
artillery piece traveling alongside the
convoy and struck the convoy by accident.
But the assignment of blame required
additional investigation, as other
international officials acknowledged.
On
Tuesday, a day before Kerry’s outburst, the
U.N. revised its initial statement citing an
airstrike, with Jens Laerke, a humanitarian
affairs representative for the U.N., saying:
“We are not in a position to determine
whether these were in fact airstrikes. We
are in a position to say that the convoy was
attacked.” He called the earlier reference
to an airstrike a drafting error.
Nevertheless, on Wednesday, Kerry made his
high-profile denunciation of the Russians at
the U.N. Security Council, the same venue
where Secretary of State Colin Powell in
2003 presented a false case against Iraq for
possessing hidden stockpiles of WMD. In
fiery comments, Kerry accused Russian
Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov of living “in
a parallel universe” in denying Russian
responsibility.
“The eyewitnesses will tell you what
happened,” Kerry said. “The place turned
into hell and fighter jets were in the sky.”
Yet, the two points don’t necessarily
connect. Just because there are jets in the
sky doesn’t mean they fired the rocket that
struck the convoy. They might have, but to
determine that – and if so, who was flying
the jet that fired the missile – requires
more thorough study.
Kerry also sought to excuse the U.S.
airstrike near Deir ez-Zor last Saturday
that killed some 62 Syrian soldiers, saying:
“We did it, a terrible accident.
And within moments of it happening, we
acknowledged it. … But I got to tell you,
people running around with guns on the
ground, from the air, is a very different
thing from trucks in a convoy with big U.N.
markings all over them.”
But
what Kerry ignored was the fact that the
United States has no legal authority to be
conducting military operations inside Syria,
attacks supposedly targeting the terrorist
Islamic State but lacking the approval of
the Syrian government. In other words, under
international law, any such U.S. attacks are
acts of aggression and thus war crimes.
The
mainstream U.S. news media, however, has
little regard for international law, at
least when the U.S. government is violating
it, nor particular care for factual details.
Despite the U.N.’s uncertainty about what
struck the convoy, The New York Times
continued to report the airstrike as a flat
fact.
On
Thursday, the Times
wrote, “a convoy of trucks taking
aid to the besieged of Aleppo was destroyed
in a deadly airstrike.” Strangely, later in
the article, the Times does note that “the
United Nations has not confirmed what struck
its trucks.”
A
History of Prejudgment
Kerry also has a history of jumping ahead of
a story and then going silent when further
information is developed.
On
Aug. 30, 2013, Kerry gave a thunderous
speech virtually declaring war on Syria for
supposedly launching a sarin gas attack
outside Damascus on Aug. 21, 2013, that
killed hundreds of people. On Aug. 31,
however, President Obama pulled the rug out
from under Kerry by shelving plans for a
retaliatory bombing campaign, in part,
because U.S. and British intelligence
analysts expressed doubts that the Syrian
government was responsible.
Later, evidence built up supporting a
counter thesis that the sarin attack was
launched by Syrian rebels trying to draw the
U.S. military into the conflict on their
side. In other words, Kerry almost put the
U.S. government in position of aiding Al
Qaeda or the Islamic State overrunning
Damascus under dubious if not false
pretenses. [See Consortiunews.com’s “The
Collapsing Syria Sarin Case.”]
But
U.N. investigators have remained under
intense pressure to give the U.S. government
something so it can keep alive the theme of
Syria’s government using chemical weapons,
even after Syria agreed to surrender all its
chemical weapons in 2013. The U.N. did so in
late August in
blaming the Syrian government for two thinly
evidenced cases of jerry-rigged chlorine
bombs, after brushing aside witness
testimony that rebels were staging such
attacks for propaganda purposes.
Regarding the sarin case, the U.S.
government never formally recanted Kerry’s
rush to judgment allowing the conventional
wisdom inside Official Washington (and its
compliant mainstream media) to remain that
Obama failed to enforce his “red line”
against use of chemical weapons.
Kerry was at it again just three days after
Malaysia Airlines Flight 17 was shot down
over eastern Ukraine on July 17, 2014,
insisting that the U.S. government had radar
and other conclusive evidence showing
exactly where the missile was fired and
making clear that Russian-backed rebels were
responsible with the Russians also at fault
for giving the rebels the anti-aircraft
weapon.
However, after CIA and other Western
intelligence analysts had more time to
review what actually happened – and found
that only Ukrainian government forces had
anti-aircraft missiles in the area capable
of shooting down a plane at 33,000 feet –
the U.S. government went silent, refusing to
make public its evidence but keeping alive
the impression that the Russians were at
fault.
With the U.S. government keeping its key
evidence secret, the Dutch-led
investigations into the crash have
floundered. Last October, the Dutch Safety
Board could only put the likely missile
firing position within a
320-square-kilometer area including land
held by both the rebels and the government.
[See Consortiumnews.com’s “The
Ever Curiouser MH-17 Case.”]
On
Sept. 28, a
Dutch-led-but-Ukrainian-dominated Joint
Investigation Committee (JIT) is scheduled
to release a report that is supposed to
finally say where the missile was fired,
more than two years after the tragedy. Given
the influence of Ukraine’s SBU
intelligence service over JIT, the
likelihood is that the report will try to
keep alive the impression that the ethnic
Russian rebels were responsible.
A
source who’s been following the
investigation said the Dutch have resisted
the outright falsification of the findings
because many of the 298 victims were Dutch
citizens and the victims’ families have been
pressing for all sides – the United States,
Ukraine and Russia – to supply whatever
evidence they can. But the Western demands
for propaganda to support the New Cold War
with Russia are strong.
Syria has become another battlefield in that
information war with tragic events being
used as propaganda clubs by the various
sides to beat one another, rather than
moments for careful review of the evidence
and assessment of accountability.
Part of this propaganda overload results
from the U.S. government and various Western
non-governmental organizations funding and
training activists in the art of using
social media for propaganda purposes. While
these activists report on some real events,
they also slant their coverage to advance
their agenda of “regime change” in Syria.
The
problem is compounded because the Western
mainstream media has taken up Syrian “regime
change” as a beloved cause rather than a
topic for objective reporting. The New York
Times and other major news outlets rely
credulously on anti-government activists,
such as the White Helmets and the Syrian
Observatory for Human Rights, for
information about what’s happening on the
ground with statements from the Syrian or
Russian governments treated with open
disdain.
The
larger tragedy of exploiting these human
tragedies for propaganda purposes – whether
the sarin attack, the MH-17 shoot-down or
now the convoy bombing – is that these
deaths of innocents become just excuses to
inflict more deaths and ultimately to push
the world closer to a new world war.
Investigative reporter Robert Parry broke
many of the Iran-Contra stories for The
Associated Press and Newsweek in the 1980s.
You can buy his latest book, America’s
Stolen Narrative, either in print
here or as an e-book (from Amazon and barnesandnoble.com).
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