The announcement last week by the United
States of the largest military aid
package in its history – to Israel – was
a win for both sides.
Israeli prime
minister Benjamin Netanyahu could boast
that his lobbying had boosted aid from
$3.1 billion a year to $3.8bn – a 22 per
cent increase – for a decade starting in
2019.
Mr Netanyahu has presented this as a
rebuff to those who accuse him of
jeopardising Israeli security interests
with his government’s repeated affronts
to the White House.
In the past weeks alone, defence
minister Avigdor Lieberman has compared
last year’s nuclear deal between
Washington and Iran with the 1938 Munich
pact, which bolstered Hitler; and Mr
Netanyahu has implied that US opposition
to settlement expansion is the same as
support for the “ethnic cleansing” of
Jews.
American president Barack Obama,
meanwhile, hopes to stifle his own
critics who insinuate that he is
anti-Israel. The deal should serve as a
fillip too for Hillary Clinton, the
Democratic party’s candidate to succeed
Mr Obama in November’s election.
In reality, however, the Obama
administration has quietly punished Mr
Netanyahu for his misbehaviour. Israeli
expectations of a $4.5bn-a-year deal
were whittled down after Mr Netanyahu
stalled negotiations last year as he
sought to recruit Congress to his battle
against the Iran deal.
In fact, Israel already receives
roughly $3.8bn – if Congress’s
assistance on developing missile defence
programmes is factored in. Notably,
Israel has been forced to promise not to
approach Congress for extra funds.
The deal takes into account neither
inflation nor the dollar’s depreciation
against the shekel.
A bigger blow still is the White
House’s demand to phase out a special
exemption that allowed Israel to spend
nearly 40 per cent of aid locally on
weapon and fuel purchases. Israel will
soon have to buy all its armaments from
the US, ending what amounted to a
subsidy to its own arms industry.
Nonetheless, Washington’s renewed
military largesse – in the face of
almost continual insults – inevitably
fuels claims that the Israeli tail is
wagging the US dog. Even The New York
Times has described the aid package as
“too big”.
Since the 1973 war, Israel has
received at least $100bn in military
aid, with more assistance hidden from
view. Back in the 1970s, Washington paid
half of Israel’s military budget. Today
it still foots a fifth of the bill,
despite Israel’s economic success.
But the US expects a return on its
massive investment. As the late Israeli
politician-general Ariel Sharon once
observed, Israel has been a US
“aircraft carrier” in the Middle East,
acting as the regional bully and
carrying out operations that benefit
Washington.
Almost no one blames the US for
Israeli attacks that wiped out Iraq’s
and Syria’s nuclear programmes. A
nuclear-armed Iraq or Syria would have
deterred later US-backed moves at regime
overthrow, as well as countering the
strategic advantage Israel derives from
its own nuclear arsenal.
In addition, Israel’s US-sponsored
military prowess is a triple boon to the
US weapons industry, the country’s most
powerful lobby. Public funds are
siphoned off to let Israel buy goodies
from American arms makers. That, in
turn, serves as a shop window for other
customers and spurs an endless and
lucrative game of catch-up in the rest
of the Middle East.
The first F-35 fighter jets to arrive
in Israel in December – their various
components produced in 46 US states –
will increase the clamour for the
cutting-edge warplane.
Israel is also a “front-line
laboratory”, as former Israeli army
negotiator Eival Gilady admitted at the
weekend, that develops and field-tests
new technology Washington can later use
itself.
The US is planning to buy back the
missile interception system Iron Dome –
which neutralises battlefield threats of
retaliation – it largely paid for.
Israel works closely too with the US in
developing cyberwarfare, such as the
Stuxnet worm that damaged Iran’s
civilian nuclear programme.
But the clearest message from
Israel’s new aid package is one
delivered to the Palestinians:
Washington sees no pressing strategic
interest in ending the occupation. It
stood up to Mr Netanyahu over the Iran
deal but will not risk a damaging clash
over Palestinian statehood.
Some believe that Mr Obama signed the
aid package to win the credibility
necessary to overcome his domestic
Israel lobby and pull a rabbit from the
hat: an initiative, unveiled shortly
before he leaves office, that corners Mr
Netanyahu into making peace.
Hopes have been raised by an expected
meeting at the United Nations in New
York on Wednesday. But their first talks
in 10 months are planned only to
demonstrate unity to confound critics of
the aid deal.
If Mr Obama really wanted to pressure
Mr Netanyahu, he would have used the aid
agreement as leverage. Now Mr Netanyahu
need not fear US financial retaliation,
even as he intensifies effective
annexation of the West Bank.
Mr Netanyahu has drawn the right
lesson from the aid deal – he can act
against the Palestinians with continuing
US impunity.
- See more at: http://www.jonathan-cook.net/2016-09-19/palestinians-lose-in-us-military-aid-deal-with-israel/#sthash.fL4Eq28N.dpuf
Oliver Stone's American History - 'We’re Not
Under Threat. We Are The Threat'
As he launches his new TV series offering a
critical view of US overseas exploits, the
film director tells MEE he didn’t always see
it that way Oliver Stone speaks at a press
conference to launch his new book on
American history
By James Reinl
Jonathan Cook is a Nazareth- based
journalist and winner of the Martha
Gellhorn Special Prize for Journalism -
See more at: http://www.jonathan-cook.net/2016-09-19/palestinians-lose-in-us-military-aid-deal-with-israel/#sthash.H1NbQCac.dpuf
September 22, 2016 "Information
Clearing House"
- "MEE"
-
UNITED
NATIONS – American
controversies are Oliver Stone’s forte.
The
Hollywood movie director has turned his
cameras on the assassination of John F
Kennedy, the Vietnam War and the 9/11
attacks.
But, when
researching his television series, The
Untold History of the United States, it was
American exploits in the Middle East that
left him with the most lasting impression,
he told Middle East Eye on Wednesday.
“When
I studied the untold history, one thing that
really hit me hard was the history of our
involvement in the Middle East,” Stone said.
“It
was a nefarious involvement.”
Stone traces Washington’s hand in the region
back to the 1930s, but he says it reached a
peak when President George HW Bush sent
hundreds of thousands of US troops to
liberate Kuwait after the Iraqi invasion of
1990.
The
Soviet Union had recently collapsed and the
region was wide open to a lone superpower,
he said.
“We
never got out of there. Once we were in,
we’re in forever,” Stone said.
“We’ve destabilised the entire region,
created chaos. And then we blame ISIS for
the chaos we created,” he added, referring
to the Islamic State (IS) group that now
rules swathes of Iraq and Syria.
Stone researched and wrote the series and
book with Peter Kuznick, a scholar at the
American University who specialises in the
US nuclear strikes on Japan that ended the
Second World War.
“It’s all about the oil. You remember the
bumper sticker: What is our oil doing under
their sand?” Kuznick told MEE.
Washington’s hunger for fuel underpins its
alliance with Saudi Arabia, the CIA-backed
coup against Iranian prime minister Mohammad
Mosaddegh in 1953 and its support for
anti-Soviet religious militants in
Afghanistan in the 1980s, he said.
“We
create these messes, then we have a grand
military plan to solve them. And the
military solutions just don’t work,” he
said.
The
views of Stone and Kuznick are not likely to
raise eyebrows on the streets of Cairo,
Moscow or Paris.
But
in the US they are not mainstream.
The
way Stone tells it, Americans live in a
bubble and are spoon-fed information by a
school system, politicians and a media that
portrays the US as a beacon of stability and
a force for good in the world.
In
one famous example, former President Ronald
Reagan called the US a “shining city on a
hill”.
“It’s very comforting to be an American,”
Stone said.
“You get the sense that you are safe and
have prosperity of material goods, and that
you have enemies everywhere – Russia, China,
Iran and North Korea.
“You get into this cocoon where you have a
big country, two oceans, but that you’re
always under threat.”
Stone says he understands this well because
he lived it himself.
He
was raised in New York, the son of a
Republican stockbroker, Louis Stone. He was
always creative – he often wrote short plays
to entertain his family – but never
questioned how his history teachers puffed
up the US, he said.
“I
had only gotten a part of the story, which
emphasised American exceptionalism, America
as a selfless and beneficial country to the
world,” he said.
In
1967, Stone volunteered to fight in the US
Army and served in Vietnam. He was wounded
twice and was honoured with a Bronze Star
for heroism and a Purple Heart for his
service.
“I
came back from Vietnam puzzled, completely
confused about what was going on there,” he
said.
“But I did get a heavy dose of the
doublespeak, the militarese talk.”
He
started asking questions and reading up on
“progressive history” at the same time as he
studied filmmaking at New York University
under Martin Scorsese and other teachers, he
said.
These ideas fed his politically orientated
filmmaking in the 1980s.
Salvador (1986) was set in a 1980s war in
Central America. Platoon (1986), Stone’s
directorial breakthrough movie, dramatised a
young soldier’s tour of duty in Vietnam,
starring Charlie Sheen.
He
continued probing that war in Born on the
Fourth of July (1989), starring Tom Cruise.
JFK (1991) showed his conspiracy theories
about the former president’s killing; movies
such as Nixon (1995) and W (2008) tackled
subsequent commanders-in-chief.
The
release of his movie about NSA whistleblower
Edward Snowden has been delayed until 2016,
he said.
He
has also interviewed foreign statesmen who
defy Washington – from the Cuban
revolutionary Fidel Castro to the ousted
Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych and
Russian President Vladimir Putin.
The
Untold History of the United States, a
10-part documentary series and a 750-page
book, offers Americans an alternate
perspective on US history from the Second
World War through the Cold War to the
present day.
Stone says he wants to counter the
“educational crime” of misleading American
schoolchildren.
“American exceptionalism has to be driven
out of our curriculums,” he said.
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