The announcement last week by the United
States of the largest military aid
package in its history – to Israel – was
a win for both sides.
Israeli prime
minister Benjamin Netanyahu could boast
that his lobbying had boosted aid from
$3.1 billion a year to $3.8bn – a 22 per
cent increase – for a decade starting in
2019.
Mr Netanyahu has presented this as a
rebuff to those who accuse him of
jeopardising Israeli security interests
with his government’s repeated affronts
to the White House.
In the past weeks alone, defence
minister Avigdor Lieberman has compared
last year’s nuclear deal between
Washington and Iran with the 1938 Munich
pact, which bolstered Hitler; and Mr
Netanyahu has implied that US opposition
to settlement expansion is the same as
support for the “ethnic cleansing” of
Jews.
American president Barack Obama,
meanwhile, hopes to stifle his own
critics who insinuate that he is
anti-Israel. The deal should serve as a
fillip too for Hillary Clinton, the
Democratic party’s candidate to succeed
Mr Obama in November’s election.
In reality, however, the Obama
administration has quietly punished Mr
Netanyahu for his misbehaviour. Israeli
expectations of a $4.5bn-a-year deal
were whittled down after Mr Netanyahu
stalled negotiations last year as he
sought to recruit Congress to his battle
against the Iran deal.
In fact, Israel already receives
roughly $3.8bn – if Congress’s
assistance on developing missile defence
programmes is factored in. Notably,
Israel has been forced to promise not to
approach Congress for extra funds.
The deal takes into account neither
inflation nor the dollar’s depreciation
against the shekel.
A bigger blow still is the White
House’s demand to phase out a special
exemption that allowed Israel to spend
nearly 40 per cent of aid locally on
weapon and fuel purchases. Israel will
soon have to buy all its armaments from
the US, ending what amounted to a
subsidy to its own arms industry.
Nonetheless, Washington’s renewed
military largesse – in the face of
almost continual insults – inevitably
fuels claims that the Israeli tail is
wagging the US dog. Even The New York
Times has described the aid package as
“too big”.
Since the 1973 war, Israel has
received at least $100bn in military
aid, with more assistance hidden from
view. Back in the 1970s, Washington paid
half of Israel’s military budget. Today
it still foots a fifth of the bill,
despite Israel’s economic success.
But the US expects a return on its
massive investment. As the late Israeli
politician-general Ariel Sharon once
observed, Israel has been a US
“aircraft carrier” in the Middle East,
acting as the regional bully and
carrying out operations that benefit
Washington.
Almost no one blames the US for
Israeli attacks that wiped out Iraq’s
and Syria’s nuclear programmes. A
nuclear-armed Iraq or Syria would have
deterred later US-backed moves at regime
overthrow, as well as countering the
strategic advantage Israel derives from
its own nuclear arsenal.
In addition, Israel’s US-sponsored
military prowess is a triple boon to the
US weapons industry, the country’s most
powerful lobby. Public funds are
siphoned off to let Israel buy goodies
from American arms makers. That, in
turn, serves as a shop window for other
customers and spurs an endless and
lucrative game of catch-up in the rest
of the Middle East.
The first F-35 fighter jets to arrive
in Israel in December – their various
components produced in 46 US states –
will increase the clamour for the
cutting-edge warplane.
Israel is also a “front-line
laboratory”, as former Israeli army
negotiator Eival Gilady admitted at the
weekend, that develops and field-tests
new technology Washington can later use
itself.
The US is planning to buy back the
missile interception system Iron Dome –
which neutralises battlefield threats of
retaliation – it largely paid for.
Israel works closely too with the US in
developing cyberwarfare, such as the
Stuxnet worm that damaged Iran’s
civilian nuclear programme.
But the clearest message from
Israel’s new aid package is one
delivered to the Palestinians:
Washington sees no pressing strategic
interest in ending the occupation. It
stood up to Mr Netanyahu over the Iran
deal but will not risk a damaging clash
over Palestinian statehood.
Some believe that Mr Obama signed the
aid package to win the credibility
necessary to overcome his domestic
Israel lobby and pull a rabbit from the
hat: an initiative, unveiled shortly
before he leaves office, that corners Mr
Netanyahu into making peace.
Hopes have been raised by an expected
meeting at the United Nations in New
York on Wednesday. But their first talks
in 10 months are planned only to
demonstrate unity to confound critics of
the aid deal.
If Mr Obama really wanted to pressure
Mr Netanyahu, he would have used the aid
agreement as leverage. Now Mr Netanyahu
need not fear US financial retaliation,
even as he intensifies effective
annexation of the West Bank.
Mr Netanyahu has drawn the right
lesson from the aid deal – he can act
against the Palestinians with continuing
US impunity.
- See more at: http://www.jonathan-cook.net/2016-09-19/palestinians-lose-in-us-military-aid-deal-with-israel/#sthash.fL4Eq28N.dpuf
The US Is Not Genuine Regarding Having A
Cessation of Violence in Syria
By
Bashar al-Assad
Video added September 24, 2016
September 22, 2016 "Information
Clearing House"
- "SANA"
-
Damascus, SANA, President Bashar al-Assad
gave an interview to Associated Press
published Thursday, following is the
full text:
Journalist: President Assad, thank you
very much for this opportunity to be
interviewed by the Associated Press.
President Assad: You are most welcome in
Syria.
Question 1: I will start by talking
about the ceasefire in Syria. Russia,
the US, and several countries say a
ceasefire could be revived despite the
recent violence and the recrimination.
Do you agree, and are you prepared to
try again?
President Assad: We announced that we
are ready to be committed to any halt of
operations, or if you want to call it
ceasefire, but it’s not about Syria or
Russia; it’s about the United States and
the terrorist groups that have been
affiliated to ISIS and al-Nusra and Al
Qaeda, and to the United States and to
Turkey and to Saudi Arabia. They
announced publicly that they are not
committed, and this is not the first
attempt to have a halt of operations in
Syria. The first attempt was in last
February, and didn’t work, I think,
because of the United States, and I
believe that the United States is not
genuine regarding having a cessation of
violence in Syria.
Question 2: Do you believe there could
ever be a joint US-Russian military
partnership against the militants, as
outlined in the deal?
President Assad: Again, practically,
yes, but in reality, no, because the
United States doesn’t have the will to
work against al-Nusra or even ISIS,
because they believe that this is a card
they can use for their own agenda. If
they attack al-Nusra or ISIS, they will
lose a very important card regarding the
situation in Syria. So, I don’t believe
the United States will be ready to join
Russia in fighting terrorists in Syria.
Question 3: This week, the US has said
the coalition attack on Syrian troops
was an accident. Do you accept that
explanation?
President Assad: No, no. It’s not,
because it wasn’t an accident by one
airplane for once, let’s say. It was
four airplanes that kept attacking the
position of the Syrian troops for nearly
one hour, or a little bit more than one
hour. You don’t commit a mistake for
more than one hour. This is first.
Second, they weren’t attacking a
building in a quartier; they were
attacking a huge place constituted of
many hills, and there was not terrorist
adjacent to the Syrian troops there. At
the same time, the ISIS troops or the
ISIS militants attacked right away after
the American strike. How could they know
that the Americans are going to attack
that position in order to gather their
militants to attack right away and to
capture it one hour after the strike? So
it was definitely intentional, not
unintentional as they claimed.
Question 4: Did Syria or Russia launch
the attack on the Red Crescent convoy
this week, and should Moscow be held
responsible, as the White House has
said?
President Assad: No, first of all, there
have been tens, maybe, of convoys from
different organizations around the
world, coming to different areas in
Syria for the last few years. It has
never happened before, so why to happen
now, either by the Russians or the
Syrians? No, it’s a claim. And regarding
the claim of the White House yesterday,
accusing either the Syrians or the
Russians. In that regard, I would say
whatever the American officials said
about the conflicts in Syria in general
has no credibility. Whatever they say,
it’s just lies and, let’s say, bubbles,
has no foundation on the ground.
Question 5: So what happened to the
convoy? Who should be held responsible?
President Assad: Those convoys were in
the area of the militants, the area
under the control of the terrorists.
That’s what they should accuse first:
the people or the militants, the
terrorists who are responsible for the
security of this convoy. So, we don’t
have any idea about what happened. The
only thing that we saw was a video of a
burnt car, destroyed trucks, nothing
else.
Question 6: Several eyewitnesses have
told AP that 20 missiles were launched
against the convoy. There is footage of
torn bodies. This does not seem as
though it would be anything but an
attack from the air. Eyewitnesses are
also talking about barrel bombs, and as
you are aware, your administration has
been accused of using barrel bombs in
some circumstances. You still think this
was an attack from the ground by rebels?
President Assad: Yeah, first of all,
even the United Nations said that there
were no airstrikes against that convoy.
That was yesterday. Second, at the same
time of that event, the terrorists were
attacking the Syrian troops by missiles.
They launched missile attacks, we didn’t
respond. Third, you cannot talk about
eyewitnesses for such judgment or
accusation. What are the credibility of
those eyewitnesses, who are they? We
don’t know.
Question 7: We have eyewitnesses that
were relatives, we have the White
Helmets, we have many people saying that
they witnessed helicopters in the air.
Now, only the Syrians and the Russians
have helicopters. Are you saying this is
just invented?
President Assad: Those witnesses only
appear when there’s an accusation
against the Syrian Army or the Russian,
but when the terrorists commit a crime
or massacre or anything, you don’t see
any witnesses, and you don’t hear about
those White Helmets. So, what a
coincidence. No, actually, we don’t have
any interest in doing so for one reason:
because if we attack any convoy that’s
going to the civilians, we are working
for the interest of the terrorists, that
will play into their hands directly, in
that regard we are pushing the civilians
toward the terrorists, we put them in
their laps, and we are providing the
terrorists with a good incubator,
something we wouldn’t do. This is first.
Second, we are, as a government, as
officials, we are committed morally
toward the Syrian people, morally,
constitutionally, and legally, to help
them in every aspect to have the basic
needs for their livelihood.
Question 8: Your administration has
denied the use of chemical weapons, of
barrel bombs, despite testimony and
video and the results of a UN
investigation. We also are hearing
similar denials about airstrikes on
civilians and medical workers. Can this
all be false allegations by your
opponents?
President Assad: First of all, the first
incident of gas use in Syria was in
Aleppo about more than three years ago,
and we were the ones who invited the
United Nations to send a delegation for
investigations about the use of chemical
weapons, and the United States objected
and opposed that action for one reason;
because if there’s investigations,
they’re going to discover that the
terrorists used gas, not the Syrian
Army. In that regard, in that case, the
United States won’t be able to accuse
Syria. That’s why they were opposing
that delegation. In every incident, we
asked the United Nations to send a
delegation, and we are still insisting
on that position, that they have to send
delegations to make investigation, but
the United States is opposing. So,
actually, if we’ve been using that, we
wouldn’t ask for investigation.
Question 9: To the international
community, it seems as though none of
the charges or accusations stick, that
everything is denied, everything here is
ok, by your administration. Do you not
feel that that undermines the
credibility? In other instances, the
Americans for example admitted the
attack on the Syrian military was a
mistake. Now, you don’t accept that, but
from the Syrian administration, all the
international community hears is denial.
President Assad: Regarding which issue?
Question 10: Regarding the accusations
of violations of human rights, of barrel
bombs…
President Assad: Look, if you want to
talk about mistakes, every country has
mistakes, every government has mistakes,
every person has mistakes. When you have
a war, you have more mistakes. That’s
the natural thing. But the accusations
have no foundation regarding Syria. When
they talk about barrel bombs, what are
barrel bombs?
It’s just a title they use in order to
show something which is very evil that
could kill people indiscriminately, and
as I said, because in the media “when it
bleeds, it leads.” They don’t talk about
bombs; they call it barrel bombs. A bomb
is a bomb, what’s the difference between
different kinds of bombs? All bombs are
to kill, but it’s about how to use it.
When you use an armament, you use it to
defend the civilians. You kill
terrorists in order to defend civilians.
That’s the natural role of any army in
the world. When you have terrorists, you
don’t throw at them balloons or you
don’t use rubber sticks, for example.
You have to use armaments. So, it’s not
about what the kind of armament, it’s
about how to use it, and they want to
use it that time to accuse the Syrian
Army of killing civilians. We don’t kill
civilians, because we don’t have the
moral incentive, we don’t have the
interest to kill civilians. It’s our
people, who support us. If you want to
kill the Syrian people, who’s going to
support us as a government, as
officials? No one. So, in reality, you
cannot withstand for five years and more
against all those countries, the West,
and the Gulf states, the petrodollars,
and all this propaganda, the strongest
media corporations around the world, if
you don’t have the support of your own
people. That’s against the reality. So,
no, we don’t use it. I wouldn’t say that
we don’t have mistakes. Again, that many
mistakes that have been committed by
individuals, but there’s a difference
between a mistake or even a crime that’s
been committed by an individual, and
between a policy of crime that’s been
implemented or adopted by a government.
We don’t have such a policy.
Question 11: And yet the hundreds of
thousands of Syrians who are fleeing the
country, many drowning on the way, many
of them say they are fleeing your
forces. What exactly are they fleeing if
this campaign doesn’t exist, if this
campaign of violence, indiscriminate
against them…?
President Assad: You have to look at the
reality in Syria. Whenever we liberate
any city or village from the terrorists,
the civilians will go back to the city,
while they flee that city when the
terrorists attack that area, the
opposite. So, they flee, first of all,
the war itself; they flee the area under
the control of the terrorists, they flee
the difficult situation because of the
embargo by the West on Syria. So, many
people, they flee not the war itself,
but the consequences of the war, because
they want to live, they want to have the
basic needs for their livelihood, they
don’t have it. They have to flee these
circumstances, not necessarily the
security situation itself. So, you have
different reasons for the people or the
refugees to leave Syria. Many many of
them supported the government in the
recent elections, the presidential
elections, in different countries. So,
that’s not true that they left Syria
because of the government, and those
accusations mean that the government is
killing the people, while the
terrorists, mainly Al Qaeda and al-Nusra
and other Al Qaeda-affiliated
organizations or groups protected the
civilians. Is that the accusation?
No-one can believe it, actually.
Question 12: Let’s turn our attention to
the people that can’t flee, the people
who are in besieged cities around Syria.
For example, Aleppo. To go back to the
ceasefire agreement, aid was supposed to
get into the city, but you did not hold
up your end of the agreement. Why was
that, and how can you really justify
withholding aid to cities?
President Assad: Again, if we talk about
the last few years, many aid convoys
came to different cities, so why does
the Syrian government prevent a convoy
from coming to Aleppo for example, while
allowing the others to reach other
areas? This is contradiction, you cannot
explain it, it’s not palatable. This is
first. Second, if you look at the others
areas under the control of the
terrorists, we’re still sending vaccines
from the Syrian government’s budget,
we’re still sending salaries to the
employees from the Syrian government’s
budget. So, how can we do this and at
the same time push the people toward
starvation in other areas? More
importantly, the terrorists who left
liberated areas under what you call
reconciliation or certain agreements in
different areas, they left to fight with
other terrorists in Syria while they
send their families to live under the
supervision of the government. Why
didn’t we put those families to
starvation? So, this is contradicting, I
mean what you’re talking about is
contradicting the reality, and we don’t
contradict ourselves.
Question 13: But the world saw the
reality of Aleppo. There were UN convoys
of aid that were not allowed into the
city. Are you denying that that was the
case?
President Assad: The situation has been
like this for years now. If there’s
really a siege around the city of
Aleppo, people would have been dead by
now. This is first. Second, more
importantly, they’ve been shelling the
neighboring areas and the positions of
the Syrian Army for years, non-stop
shelling of mortars and different kinds
of lethal bombs. How could they be
starving while at the same time they can
have armaments? How can we prevent the
food and the medical aid from reaching
that area and we cannot stop the
armaments form reaching that area, which
is not logical?
Question 14: So what is your message to
the people to Aleppo, who are saying the
opposite, that they are hungry, that
they are suffering malnutrition, that
there are no doctors, that doctors have
been targeted and killed in airstrikes,
that they are under siege and they are
dying? What is your message to them?
President Assad: You can’t say “the
people of Aleppo” because the majority
of the people of Aleppo are living in
the area under the control of the
government, so you cannot talk about the
people of Aleppo. If you want to talk
about some who allegedly are claiming
this, we tell them how could you still
be alive? Why don’t you have, for
example, an epidemic, if you don’t have
doctors? How could you say that we
attacked, they accuse Syria of attacking
hospitals, so you have hospitals and you
have doctors and you have everything.
How could you have them? How could you
have armaments? That’s the question. How
can you get armaments to your people, if
you claim that you have people and
grassroots while you don’t have food?
They have to explain; I don’t have to
explain. The reality is telling.
Question 15: Yet, they say the opposite.
They say they are surviving on whatever
they can, on meager means, and they are
a city under siege. You do not accept
that Aleppo is a city under siege with
people starving and hungry?
President Assad: Again, how can I
prevent the food, and not prevent the
armament? Logically, how? If I can
prevent food, I should be able to
prevent armaments. If I don’t prevent
armaments, that means everything else
will pass to Aleppo.
Question 16: Have you been to Aleppo
recently? Will you go to Aleppo?
President Assad: Of course I will go.
Question 17: And how does it feel for
you to see the devastation in parts of
what was known as the jewel of Syria?
President Assad: Devastation is painful,
of course, but we can rebuild our
country. We’re going to do that. Someday
the war will stop. The most painful is
the devastation of the society, the
killing, the blood-shedding, something
we live with every hour and every day.
But how would I think? I think when I
see those pictures how would Western
officials feel when they look at this
devastation and these killing pictures
and they know that their hands are
stained with their blood, that they
committed the crime directly in killing
those people and destroying our
civilization. That’s what I think about.
Question 18: Yet, to the outside world,
it feels as though the end justifies any
means in your war on terror. Do you
accept that?
President Assad: They don’t have morals,
of course. This is a Machiavellian
principle; the end justifies the means.
We don’t accept it, no. Your policy
should be a mixture between your
interests and how you reach your ends,
but based on values. It cannot be only
the end justifies the means, because for
the criminals, ends justify the means,
for thieves, for every illegal and
immoral action, the end justifies the
means. That’s exactly what you mentioned
in your question, this is the base, the
foundation of the Western policy around
the world these days.
Question 19: What is your message to the
Syrians who have fled the country? Some
of them didn’t make it, others did. Do
you call on them to come back, do you
expect them to come back?
President Assad: Of course. It’s a loss,
it’s a great loss. The worst loss for
any country is not the infrastructure or
the buildings or the material loss;
actually, it’s the human resources loss,
something we want to see coming back to
Syria, and I’m sure that the majority of
those Syrians who left Syria, they will
go back when the security and when the
life goes back to its normality and the
minimal requirements for livelihood will
be affordable to them, they will go
back. I am not worried about this.
Question 20: Do you have any expectation
of when that will happen, when Syria
will be pacified to some degree that
they can come back?
President Assad: If we look at it
according to the internal Syrian
factors, I would say it’s very soon, a
few months, and I’m sure about that, I’m
not exaggerating, but when you talk
about it as part of a global conflict
and a regional conflict, when you have
many external factors that you don’t
control, it’s going to drag on and
no-one in this world can tell you when
but the countries, the governments, the
officials who support directly the
terrorists. Only they know, because they
know when they’re going to stop
supporting those terrorists, and this is
where the situation in Syria is going to
be solved without any real obstacles.
Question 21: So, let’s just dwell on
that point for a moment. Do you believe
that within a couple of months the
situation in Syria will have
dramatically changed in your favor to
the point that refugees can come back?
President Assad: No, because I don’t
believe that in a couple of months
Erdogan and the United States regime,
and the Western regimes in general, and
of course Saudi Arabia and Qatar, are
going to stop the support of the
terrorists. I don’t see it in the next
two months.
Question 22: So how can you really
incite Syrians to come back in two
months as you said?
President Assad: I said if there are no
external factors. I said if you look at
it as an isolated case, as a Syrian
case, which is theoretical, I mean, this
is where you can say that in few months
you can solve it. But now you’re talking
about an arena which is part of the
international and regional arena, not
isolated. So, this is why I said no-one
has the answer when will it end.
Question 23: It’s now one year since
Russia got involved in the war. Before
the intervention you were losing
territory and control. Did you ever feel
like you were losing the war?
President Assad: We didn’t look at it
that way, to lose the war, because
whenever you have Syrians working with
the terrorists, it’s a loss. How to lose
the war, this is hypothetical question,
to be frank. It’s not about your
feeling; it’s about the reality. In the
war, you lose areas, but you recapture
another area. So, it is difficult to
tell whether you are losing or gaining
or it was a standstill. No-one has this
answer. But definitely, after the
Russian intervention and supporting the
Syrian Army, legally of course, we felt
much much better. We captured many main
cities, many main positions at the
expense of the terrorists’ areas.
Question 24: Even if you were to win the
war, what would be left of your country
and Syrian society? Will you have to
think again about the prospect of a
partition in Syria?
President Assad: No, we never thought
about it, and the majority in Syria
don’t believe in this, and I don’t think
the reality, in spite of this savage
war, has created the atmosphere for such
partition. Actually, in many areas, the
social situation is much better, because
when you want to talk about partition
you need to find these borders between
the social communities. You cannot have
partition only on political bases or
geographic bases. It should be social
first of all when the communities do not
live with each other. As a result of the
war, many Syrians understand that the
only way to protect your country is to
live with each other with integration,
not only in coexistence, which is
actually more precise to call
cohabitation, when people interact and
integrate with each other on daily basis
in every detail. So, I think in this
regard I am more assured that Syria will
be more unified. So, the only problem
now that we face is not the partition,
but terrorism.
Question 25: And yet you are not seen as
a unifying force in Syria; people think
that the society is torn apart. Just to
use one example, on a personal level,
you trained as a doctor and yet your
administration stands accused of
targeting medical and rescue workers as
they race to save lives. How do you make
peace with this?
And is this a society that, after
suffering such consequences, can really
just forget the past and move on?
President Assad: I cannot answer that
question while it’s filled with
misinformation. Let us correct it first.
We don’t attack any hospital. Again, as
I said, this is against our interests.
If you put aside the morals, that we do
not do it morally, if I put it aside, I
am talking about now, let’s say, the
ends justify the means, if I want to use
it, we don’t have interest. This is how
we can help the terrorists if we attack
hospitals, schools, and things like
this. Of course, whenever you have a
war, the civilians and the innocents
will pay the price. That’s in any war,
any war is a bad war. There is no good
war. In any war, people will pay the
price, but I’m talking about the policy
of the government, of the army; we don’t
attack any hospital. We don’t have any
interest in attacking hospitals. So,
what is the other part of the question?
Sorry, to remind me.
Question 26: That’s ok, that fits into
the general question, but I would like
to follow up with: others say the
opposite, including medical workers and
including the Syrian White Helmets. If
you value their work, racing to the
scene of whatever it may, to try and
save lives, does that mean you would
support the recent nomination of the
White Helmets for a Nobel Peace Prize?
President Assad: It is not about the
White Helmets, whether they are credible
or not, because some organizations are
politicized, but they use different
humanitarian masks and umbrellas just to
implement certain agenda. But, generally
if you want to talk about the
humanitarian support, how can I attack
hospitals while I am sending vaccines,
for example? Just explain it. You tell
me two different things, two
contradicting things; one that I am
talking about is reality, because
everybody knows that we are sending
vaccines, the other one is that we are
attacking hospitals. They do not match.
Question 27: Would you support them for
a Nobel Peace Prize?
President Assad: Who?
Question 28: The White Helmets.
President Assad: What did they achieve
in Syria? And how un-politicized is the
Nobel Prize? That’s the other question.
So, if I get an answer to these two
questions, I can answer you. But I would
only give a prize to whoever works for
the peace in Syria, first of all by
stopping the terrorists from flowing
towards Syria, only.
Question 29: My last question: The US
election is now just a few weeks away.
How do you expect that a Clinton or
Trump presidency would differ in terms
of US policy towards Syria, and
specifically towards you?
President Assad: The problem with every
American candidate regarding the
presidency, I am not talking only about
this campaign or elections, but
generally, that they say something
during the campaign and they do the
opposite after the campaign. As we see
now the American officials, they say
something in the morning and they do the
opposite in the evening. So, you cannot
judge those people according to what
they say. You cannot take them at their
words, to be frank. We don’t listen to
their statements, we don’t care about
it, we don’t believe it. We have to wait
till they become presidents, we have to
watch their policy and their actions and
their behaviors. We do not have a lot of
expectations, we never had. We have
hopes that we can see rational American
presidents; fair, obey the international
law, deal with other countries according
to mutual respect, parity, etc., but we
all know that this is only wishful
thinking and fantasy.
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