The announcement last week by the United
States of the largest military aid
package in its history – to Israel – was
a win for both sides. Israeli prime
minister Benjamin Netanyahu could boast
that his lobbying had boosted aid from
$3.1 billion a year to $3.8bn – a 22 per
cent increase – for a decade starting in
2019.
Mr Netanyahu has presented this as a
rebuff to those who accuse him of
jeopardising Israeli security interests
with his government’s repeated affronts
to the White House.
In the past weeks alone, defence
minister Avigdor Lieberman has compared
last year’s nuclear deal between
Washington and Iran with the 1938 Munich
pact, which bolstered Hitler; and Mr
Netanyahu has implied that US opposition
to settlement expansion is the same as
support for the “ethnic cleansing” of
Jews.
American president Barack Obama,
meanwhile, hopes to stifle his own
critics who insinuate that he is
anti-Israel. The deal should serve as a
fillip too for Hillary Clinton, the
Democratic party’s candidate to succeed
Mr Obama in November’s election.
In reality, however, the Obama
administration has quietly punished Mr
Netanyahu for his misbehaviour. Israeli
expectations of a $4.5bn-a-year deal
were whittled down after Mr Netanyahu
stalled negotiations last year as he
sought to recruit Congress to his battle
against the Iran deal.
In fact, Israel already receives
roughly $3.8bn – if Congress’s
assistance on developing missile defence
programmes is factored in. Notably,
Israel has been forced to promise not to
approach Congress for extra funds.
The deal takes into account neither
inflation nor the dollar’s depreciation
against the shekel.
A bigger blow still is the White
House’s demand to phase out a special
exemption that allowed Israel to spend
nearly 40 per cent of aid locally on
weapon and fuel purchases. Israel will
soon have to buy all its armaments from
the US, ending what amounted to a
subsidy to its own arms industry.
Nonetheless, Washington’s renewed
military largesse – in the face of
almost continual insults – inevitably
fuels claims that the Israeli tail is
wagging the US dog. Even The New York
Times has described the aid package as
“too big”.
Since the 1973 war, Israel has
received at least $100bn in military
aid, with more assistance hidden from
view. Back in the 1970s, Washington paid
half of Israel’s military budget. Today
it still foots a fifth of the bill,
despite Israel’s economic success.
But the US expects a return on its
massive investment. As the late Israeli
politician-general Ariel Sharon once
observed, Israel has been a US
“aircraft carrier” in the Middle East,
acting as the regional bully and
carrying out operations that benefit
Washington.
Almost no one blames the US for
Israeli attacks that wiped out Iraq’s
and Syria’s nuclear programmes. A
nuclear-armed Iraq or Syria would have
deterred later US-backed moves at regime
overthrow, as well as countering the
strategic advantage Israel derives from
its own nuclear arsenal.
In addition, Israel’s US-sponsored
military prowess is a triple boon to the
US weapons industry, the country’s most
powerful lobby. Public funds are
siphoned off to let Israel buy goodies
from American arms makers. That, in
turn, serves as a shop window for other
customers and spurs an endless and
lucrative game of catch-up in the rest
of the Middle East.
The first F-35 fighter jets to arrive
in Israel in December – their various
components produced in 46 US states –
will increase the clamour for the
cutting-edge warplane.
Israel is also a “front-line
laboratory”, as former Israeli army
negotiator Eival Gilady admitted at the
weekend, that develops and field-tests
new technology Washington can later use
itself.
The US is planning to buy back the
missile interception system Iron Dome –
which neutralises battlefield threats of
retaliation – it largely paid for.
Israel works closely too with the US in
developing cyberwarfare, such as the
Stuxnet worm that damaged Iran’s
civilian nuclear programme.
But the clearest message from
Israel’s new aid package is one
delivered to the Palestinians:
Washington sees no pressing strategic
interest in ending the occupation. It
stood up to Mr Netanyahu over the Iran
deal but will not risk a damaging clash
over Palestinian statehood.
Some believe that Mr Obama signed the
aid package to win the credibility
necessary to overcome his domestic
Israel lobby and pull a rabbit from the
hat: an initiative, unveiled shortly
before he leaves office, that corners Mr
Netanyahu into making peace.
Hopes have been raised by an expected
meeting at the United Nations in New
York on Wednesday. But their first talks
in 10 months are planned only to
demonstrate unity to confound critics of
the aid deal.
If Mr Obama really wanted to pressure
Mr Netanyahu, he would have used the aid
agreement as leverage. Now Mr Netanyahu
need not fear US financial retaliation,
even as he intensifies effective
annexation of the West Bank.
Mr Netanyahu has drawn the right
lesson from the aid deal – he can act
against the Palestinians with continuing
US impunity.
- See more at: http://www.jonathan-cook.net/2016-09-19/palestinians-lose-in-us-military-aid-deal-with-israel/#sthash.fL4Eq28N.dpuf
Syria Shows US Under Military Rule
By Finian Cunningham
September 21, 2016 "Information
Clearing House"
- "Sputnik"
-
A
schism within US government has come
spectacularly into the open, with the
Pentagon and CIA militarists seemingly
subverting the president’s authority over
Syria policy.
This amounts to a brazen pulling of rank
by the militarist elements within the US
power structure over the civilian titular
head of government. This power struggle came
to light dramatically – if briefly –
with the US air strike last weekend on the
Syrian army base near Deir ez-Zor in which
over 60 troops were killed.
That
massacre was no accident, as the Pentagon
subsequently claimed. It was a deliberate
mortal blow to the shaky ceasefire worked
out the week before by
US
Secretary of State John Kerry and his
Russian counterpart Sergey Lavrov.
Within
hours of the
Deir ez-Zor attack on Saturday evening,
there were reports of air strikes
on civilian areas of insurgent-held eastern
Aleppo. But none of the reports were able
to confirm the identity of the warplanes
involved.
Two
days later, media coverage shifted to the
collapse of the
Syrian ceasefire and what is being
described as an “outrageous” air strike
by Syrian or Russian warplanes on a UN aid
convoy near the northern city of Aleppo.
Again, no reports have been able to identify
the aircraft alleged to have perpetrated
that attack, although Washington blamed
Syria and its Russian ally.
Predictably, following the attack on the
humanitarian convoy in which 12 civilian aid
workers were killed and several trucks
ferrying food were destroyed, the US is
saying that plans to cooperate with Russian
military in Syria
are now off the agenda.
It is
true that the Syrian government declared
earlier on Monday that the ceasefire was
over. Forces loyal to President Bashar al-Assad
have resumed air strikes and ground
operations against insurgents in eastern
Aleppo and around the capital Damascus.
Russian air power is also providing support
in the resumption of operations by the
Syrian army.
But
it is the aforementioned sequence
of violence that needs to be particularly
ascertained in order to appreciate the real
significance of why and how the latest
Syrian ceasefire has broken down.
First
of all, we should note that the Pentagon and
its CIA covert arm were conspicuous in their
dissent to the Obama administration’s
diplomatic efforts to implement a ceasefire
in partnership with Russia.
When
John Kerry met with Sergey Lavrov in Geneva
on September 9 to finalize a planned truce,
the head of the Pentagon, Defense Secretary
Ashton Carter, was openly telling media
outlets that he opposed any deal
with Russia. It wasn’t just Carter. Other
American military chiefs were also
deprecating any liaison with Russia
over Syria.
Nevertheless, Obama and his top diplomat
Kerry persisted – despite the objections
of the US military – in coming up with a
“deal” with Russia that envisaged a
cessation of violence, humanitarian aid
to war-torn cities like Aleppo, and,
remarkably, an ambitious proposal for US and
Russian military forces to form a joint task
force to go after al-Qaeda-linked terror
groups, such as the rebranded al-Nusra Front
and Daesh (ISIS/ISIL/IS).
For
the ceasefire to take hold and for US-Russia
joint operations to begin, the Kerry-Lavrov
deal hinged on the separation of
US-backed supposed “moderate rebels”
from the notorious al-Qaeda-type extremists.
Even
as the ceasefire came into effect
on September 12, the Pentagon was
contemptuously voicing doubts about its
success. It was obvious that the US military
establishment did not want the ceasefire
arrangement with Russia. That dissent was
tantamount to subverting Obama’s
presidential authority and his favored
diplomatic option.
Why
was the Pentagon antsy over the ceasefire
plan with Russia? After demonizing Moscow
as a global threat for the past two years,
part of the
Pentagon’s aversion was that any
successful partnership with Russia
over Syria would be a pointed negation
to the hype of the new Cold War over Ukraine
and Europe.
More
importantly, however, is that the Pentagon
and the CIA knew that in Syria the White
House spiel about “moderates” and
“terrorists” being separable was always an
illusion.
President Obama and his foreign secretary
John Kerry may talk all they want about
“vetted opposition fighters” and purportedly
“fighting against terrorists”.
But
the war planners in Washington know all too
well that in the real world of America’s
dirty war in Syria there is no such division
of “good” and “bad” rebels among the
insurgents. They are all part of a proxy
terror front of illegally armed militants,
which the US and its NATO and Arab allies
have funded, armed, trained and directed
for the past six years to overthrow the
Syrian government.
That’s
why the Pentagon was expressing such
pessimism about Kerry’s diplomatic efforts
with Lavrov. The US militarists have a more
realistic, if unspoken, awareness of the
true criminal nature of the militant groups
fighting against the Assad government.
Simply because the Pentagon and the CIA have
masterminded the proxies, all of which are
acting as terrorists, whether they go by the
media monikers of “moderates” or
“extremists”.
A
second crucial reason for why the US
military planners opposed the ceasefire was
because they were apprehensive that if the
truce failed – as it surely would – then the
failure would demonstrate the fallacy of the
official Washington narrative of it only
supporting “legitimate, moderate, vetted
rebels”.
And, thirdly, if somehow the US and Russian
air forces were to get to the stage
of carrying out joint strikes against terror
units that would be the ultimate anathema
for the Pentagon and CIA. In that unlikely
event, the Americans would be obliged
to disclose to the Russians where their
supposed “moderate rebels” are located.
Which, as noted, is a fabrication. What the
US and Russia would be targeting are covert
American regime-change assets, which is
impermissible for Washington’s war planners.
The
Pentagon’s misgivings were founded too. From
the outset of the ceasefire, all the
anti-government militant groups were
engaging in breaches. And, glaringly, there
was no separation of any of the insurgents,
as John Kerry had appealed for. In other
words, the American official narrative
about the Syrian war was being exposed as a
huge lie. And America’s involvement
in sponsoring a terrorist front in Syria was
becoming transparent.
The
ceasefire regime was abided by Syria and
Russia, but it was the
US-backed militants who continued acts
of terrorism, preventing, for example,
humanitarian access to Aleppo all last week
because of shelling and sniping at the
Castello Road arterial route.
Given
the damning revelation of US terrorist
collusion in Syria, the Pentagon apparently
took the decision to blow up the
incriminating ceasefire. The first sabotage
came with the US air strikes on the Syrian
army base near Deir ez-Zor. It is
inconceivable that such a massacre,
accompanied by Daesh temporarily taking
over the base, could have been caused
accidentally.
In
short order, a series of unidentified
warplanes carried out strikes in and
around Aleppo, including the blast on the UN
aid convoy. No one knows as yet who carried
out those strikes, but it is plausible that
they were false flag attacks by US forces
intent on obliterating the waning ceasefire,
and distracting from the earlier US massacre
at Deir ez-Zor.
Now,
conveniently, Washington is declaring no
cooperation with Russia in Syria and the
ceasefire is dead.
Thus, the Pentagon has pulled rank on the
White House’s diplomacy with Russia. And US
policy is under military rule. Nothing new
there, one might say, except how blatant the
subversion. |