The announcement last week by the United
States of the largest military aid
package in its history – to Israel – was
a win for both sides. Israeli prime
minister Benjamin Netanyahu could boast
that his lobbying had boosted aid from
$3.1 billion a year to $3.8bn – a 22 per
cent increase – for a decade starting in
2019.
Mr Netanyahu has presented this as a
rebuff to those who accuse him of
jeopardising Israeli security interests
with his government’s repeated affronts
to the White House.
In the past weeks alone, defence
minister Avigdor Lieberman has compared
last year’s nuclear deal between
Washington and Iran with the 1938 Munich
pact, which bolstered Hitler; and Mr
Netanyahu has implied that US opposition
to settlement expansion is the same as
support for the “ethnic cleansing” of
Jews.
American president Barack Obama,
meanwhile, hopes to stifle his own
critics who insinuate that he is
anti-Israel. The deal should serve as a
fillip too for Hillary Clinton, the
Democratic party’s candidate to succeed
Mr Obama in November’s election.
In reality, however, the Obama
administration has quietly punished Mr
Netanyahu for his misbehaviour. Israeli
expectations of a $4.5bn-a-year deal
were whittled down after Mr Netanyahu
stalled negotiations last year as he
sought to recruit Congress to his battle
against the Iran deal.
In fact, Israel already receives
roughly $3.8bn – if Congress’s
assistance on developing missile defence
programmes is factored in. Notably,
Israel has been forced to promise not to
approach Congress for extra funds.
The deal takes into account neither
inflation nor the dollar’s depreciation
against the shekel.
A bigger blow still is the White
House’s demand to phase out a special
exemption that allowed Israel to spend
nearly 40 per cent of aid locally on
weapon and fuel purchases. Israel will
soon have to buy all its armaments from
the US, ending what amounted to a
subsidy to its own arms industry.
Nonetheless, Washington’s renewed
military largesse – in the face of
almost continual insults – inevitably
fuels claims that the Israeli tail is
wagging the US dog. Even The New York
Times has described the aid package as
“too big”.
Since the 1973 war, Israel has
received at least $100bn in military
aid, with more assistance hidden from
view. Back in the 1970s, Washington paid
half of Israel’s military budget. Today
it still foots a fifth of the bill,
despite Israel’s economic success.
But the US expects a return on its
massive investment. As the late Israeli
politician-general Ariel Sharon once
observed, Israel has been a US
“aircraft carrier” in the Middle East,
acting as the regional bully and
carrying out operations that benefit
Washington.
Almost no one blames the US for
Israeli attacks that wiped out Iraq’s
and Syria’s nuclear programmes. A
nuclear-armed Iraq or Syria would have
deterred later US-backed moves at regime
overthrow, as well as countering the
strategic advantage Israel derives from
its own nuclear arsenal.
In addition, Israel’s US-sponsored
military prowess is a triple boon to the
US weapons industry, the country’s most
powerful lobby. Public funds are
siphoned off to let Israel buy goodies
from American arms makers. That, in
turn, serves as a shop window for other
customers and spurs an endless and
lucrative game of catch-up in the rest
of the Middle East.
The first F-35 fighter jets to arrive
in Israel in December – their various
components produced in 46 US states –
will increase the clamour for the
cutting-edge warplane.
Israel is also a “front-line
laboratory”, as former Israeli army
negotiator Eival Gilady admitted at the
weekend, that develops and field-tests
new technology Washington can later use
itself.
The US is planning to buy back the
missile interception system Iron Dome –
which neutralises battlefield threats of
retaliation – it largely paid for.
Israel works closely too with the US in
developing cyberwarfare, such as the
Stuxnet worm that damaged Iran’s
civilian nuclear programme.
But the clearest message from
Israel’s new aid package is one
delivered to the Palestinians:
Washington sees no pressing strategic
interest in ending the occupation. It
stood up to Mr Netanyahu over the Iran
deal but will not risk a damaging clash
over Palestinian statehood.
Some believe that Mr Obama signed the
aid package to win the credibility
necessary to overcome his domestic
Israel lobby and pull a rabbit from the
hat: an initiative, unveiled shortly
before he leaves office, that corners Mr
Netanyahu into making peace.
Hopes have been raised by an expected
meeting at the United Nations in New
York on Wednesday. But their first talks
in 10 months are planned only to
demonstrate unity to confound critics of
the aid deal.
If Mr Obama really wanted to pressure
Mr Netanyahu, he would have used the aid
agreement as leverage. Now Mr Netanyahu
need not fear US financial retaliation,
even as he intensifies effective
annexation of the West Bank.
Mr Netanyahu has drawn the right
lesson from the aid deal – he can act
against the Palestinians with continuing
US impunity.
- See more at: http://www.jonathan-cook.net/2016-09-19/palestinians-lose-in-us-military-aid-deal-with-israel/#sthash.fL4Eq28N.dpuf
Why US Had to Kill the Syrian Ceasefire
By Finian Cunningham
Jonathan Cook is a Nazareth- based
journalist and winner of the Martha
Gellhorn Special Prize for Journalism -
See more at: http://www.jonathan-cook.net/2016-09-19/palestinians-lose-in-us-military-aid-deal-with-israel/#sthash.H1NbQCac.dpuf
September 20, 2016 "Information
Clearing House"
- "SCF"
-
There are several sound
reasons for concluding that the US-led air
strike on the Syrian army base near Deir
Ezzor last weekend was a deliberate act of
murderous sabotage. One compelling reason is
that the Pentagon and CIA knew they had to
act in order to kill the ceasefire plan
worked out by US Secretary of State John
Kerry and Russian Foreign Minister Sergey
Lavrov.
The compulsion to wreck the
already shaky truce was due to the
unbearable exposure that the ceasefire plan
was shedding on American systematic
involvement in the terrorist proxy war on
Syria.
Not only that, but the
tentative ceasefire was also exposing the
elements within the US government
responsible for driving the war effort. US
Defense Secretary Ashton Carter – the head
of the Pentagon – reportedly fought
tooth and nail with Obama’s top diplomat
John Kerry while the latter was trying to
finalize the ceasefire plan with Russia’s
Lavrov on the previous weekend of September
9 in Geneva.
While Sergey Lavrov and media
reporters were reportedly kept waiting
several hours for Kerry to finally emerge to
sign off on the deal, the American foreign
secretary was delayed by intense haggling in
conference calls with Carter and other
military chiefs back in Washington. Even
days before Kerry’s diplomatic shuttle to
Geneva, Carter was disparaging any
prospective deal with Russia on a Syrian
ceasefire.
It is well documented that
both the Pentagon and the Central
Intelligence Agency have been running
clandestine programs for arming and training
anti-government militants in Syria since the
outset of the war in March 2011. Officially,
Washington claims to be only supporting
«moderate, vetted opposition». However, on
occasion, Western media reports allude to
the deeper sinister connections between the
US military and terrorist groups when it has
been reported that American weaponry
«accidentally» finds its way into the hands
of extremist jihadist networks.
This pretense by the US – and
its other NATO and Arab allies – of
supporting «moderate rebels» and of having
no involvement with recognized terror groups
like Al Nusra and Daesh (ISIS) was being
exposed by the latest ceasefire.
It is conceivable that the
diplomatic corps of the Obama
administration, including President Barack
Obama and his foreign emissary John Kerry,
may be benighted about the full extent of
America’s dirty war in Syria and its
systematic connections to the terrorist
brigades. Perhaps, this Obama flank is
gullible and venal enough to believe in
Washington’s propaganda of a dichotomy
between «moderate rebels» and «terrorists».
Thus, when Kerry announced
the ceasefire plan with Lavrov in Geneva on
September 9, the American diplomat’s calls
for the US-backed «moderate rebels» to
separate themselves from the terror groups
may have been made out a naive notion that
such a distinction might exist. How else
could we explain such a futile public
appeal?
Not so, though, the Pentagon
and CIA. The covert warmongers in the
Pentagon and at Langley know the vile truth
all along. That is, that all the militant
groups in Syria are integrated into a
terrorist front, albeit with a plethora of
different names and seeming differences in
commitment to al Qaeda Wahhabi ideology. The
masters of war know that Washington is a
sponsor of this terrorist front, along with
its NATO and Arab allies.
Anyone with an informed
knowledge about the origins of Al Qaeda from
CIA authorship in Afghanistan during the
1980s would not be surprised in the
slightest by such a systematic American role
in the Syrian conflict.
This perspective reasonably
explains why Carter. and the US military
generally, were making conspicuous
objections to Kerry’s ceasefire plan with
Russia. They knew the ceasefire was not only
infeasible because of the systematic links
between the US and the terror groups, but
also that a failing ceasefire would
furthermore expose these systematic
connections, and create wider public
awareness about American complicity in the
Syrian war.
And, as it transpired, the
apprehensions of the Pentagon and the CIA
terrorist handlers were indeed founded.
Within days of the Kerry-Lavrov ceasefire
being implemented on September 12, the
following was undeniable: there was no
separation of «moderates» and «terrorists».
All militant groups were continuing to
violate the nominal truce in the northern
battleground city of Aleppo and in other
locations across Syria.
The US and Western media then
began venting about the Syrian «regime» and
its Russian ally not delivering on giving
humanitarian aid access to insurgent-held
areas of eastern Aleppo. But that rhetorical
gaming could not disguise the fact that the
ceasefire was being breached by all the
militant groups, which made it impossible
for humanitarian aid convoys to enter
Aleppo. Another factor played down by the
Western media was that the Turkish
government refused to coordinate with the
Syrian authorities in the routing of UN
truck convoys from the Turkish border into
Aleppo. Given Turkey’s past documented involvement in
using «humanitarian aid» as a cover for
supplying weapons to insurgents, the
vigilance demanded by Damascus is
understandable.
The floundering ceasefire was
thereby providing a withering world exposure
of American terrorist complicity in Syria.
The US lie about backing «moderates» as
opposed to «terrorists» was being shown once
and for all to be a cynical delusion.
Evidently, US claims of supporting a
«legitimate» opposition were seen for what
they are – an utter sham. That leads to an
even more damning conclusion that the US
government is a sponsor of a terrorist proxy
army in Syria for its criminal objective of
regime change in that country. In theory at
least, this disclosure warrants legal
prosecution of Washington and its allies for
the commission of war crimes against the
state of Syria.
Given the grave stakes for
American international standing that the
ceasefire was endangering, it is reasonable
to posit that a decision was taken by the
Pentagon to sabotage. Hence, on September
17, American, British and Australian warplanes
struck the Syrian Arab Army elite forces’
base near Deir Ezzor, in eastern Syria,
killing over 60 personnel and wounding
nearly 100 more.
The US, Britain and Australia
have since claimed that it was an accident,
and that their aircraft were intending to
attack Daesh militants in the area. The
US-led coalition claims it will carry out an
investigation into the air strike. As with
many times before, such as when the US
devastated a hospital in Afghanistan’s
Kunduz killing more than 30 people last
year, we can expect a cover-up.
Briefly, a few factors for
doubting the US coalition’s claim of an
accident are: why did the Daesh militants
reportedly launch an
offensive operation on the Syrian army base
less than 10 minutes after it was struck by
F-16s and A-10s? That suggests coordination
between the coalition air forces and the
terrorists on the ground.
Secondly, it defies
credibility that sophisticated air power and
surveillance could mistake an army base and
adjacent air field containing hundreds of
troops for ragtag guerrilla units.
Thirdly, as Russian military
sources point out, the US coalition had
previously not been active in that area over
the past two years of flying operations. The
Syrian army was known to be recently waging
an effective campaign against Daesh around
Deir Ezzor. That suggests that the US air
power was being deployed to defend the
terrorist units, as the Syrian and Russian
governments were quick to claim after the
US-led air strike on Deir Ezzor. That is
consistent with the broader analysis of why
and how the entire Syrian war has been
fomented by Washington for regime change.
But perhaps the most telling
factor in concluding that the US and its
allies carried out the massacre at Deir
Ezzor deliberately is the foregoing argument
that the Pentagon and CIA war planners knew
that the flawed ceasefire was exposing their
terror tentacles in Syria. And certainly, if
any US-Russian joint anti-Daesh operations
were to take place as envisaged by the
Kerry-Lavrov plan, then the charade would
definitely be blown apart.
In that case, only one thing
had to be done as a matter of necessity. The
unwieldy, discomfiting ceasefire had to be
killed off. And so the Pentagon decided to
make a «mistake» at Deir Ezzor – a «mistake»
that has gutted any minimal trust between
the US and Russia, unleashing recriminations
and a surge in ceasefire violations.
The American and Western
media respond in the usual servile way to
aid the cover-up. The massacre at Deir Ezzor
is being largely ignored as a news story,
with much more prominence given to a
relatively minor bombing incident in New
York City on the same weekend in which
no-one was killed. Or, when reported on, the
US media in particular have automatically
accepted without question that the air
strike was an accident. CNN also dismissed
out of hand Syrian government claims of it
being proof of American collusion with
terrorists as «absurd». A claim that would
otherwise seem fairly logical.
The New
York Times had this gloss to paint
over the air strike:
«The United States’
accidental bombing of Syrian troops over the
weekend has put it on the defensive,
undercutting American efforts to reduce
violence in the civil war and open paths for
humanitarian relief».
The American so-called
newspaper-of-record then adds:
«The United States had
thought that if a deal to ease hostilities
in Syria, struck by Secretary of State John
Kerry and his Russian counterpart in Geneva
nine days ago, fell apart, it would reveal
Russia’s duplicity in the war, in which
Moscow has supported the Syrian president,
Bashar al-Assad».
How ironic. According to The
New York Times, the Americans
anticipated that the ceasefire deal would
reveal «Russia’s duplicity in the war».
Maybe, they calculated that Russia and Syria
would not abide by the cessation, which they
very much did during the first week, showing
discipline and commitment to finding a
peaceful settlement.
Far from revealing Russia’s
«duplicity», it is Washington that emerged
as the culprit, as the Pentagon and CIA had
feared all along because of their deep
complicity with the terrorist proxies.
Killing the Syrian ceasefire
was like the necessity to extinguish a
spotlight that had suddenly come on and
begun exposing the putrefaction and bloodied
hands in America’s dirty war.
|