US Bombing
Syrian Troops Would Be Illegal
Secretary of State Kerry met with dissident State
Department “diplomats” to hear their call for U.S.
airstrikes on Syrian government troops, but the plan
is both dangerous and illegal
By Marjorie Cohn
June 23, 2016
"Information
Clearing House"
- In an internal “dissent channel cable,” 51 State
Department officers called for “targeted military
strikes” against the government of Bashar al-Assad
in Syria, a proposal that President Barack Obama has
thus far resisted. However, were he to accept the
cable’s advice, he would risk a dangerous – possibly
catastrophic – confrontation with Russia. And, such
a use of military force in Syria would violate U.S.
and international law.
While the
cable decries “the Russian and Iranian governments’
cynical and destabilizing deployment of significant
military power to bolster the Assad regime,” the
cable calls for the United States to protect and
empower “the moderate Syrian opposition,” seeking to
overthrow the Syrian government.
However, Assad’s government is the only legitimate
government in Syria and, as the sovereign, has the
legal right to seek international support as it has
from Russia and Iran. There is no such legal right
for the United States and other countries, such as
Saudi Arabia and Turkey, to arm Syrian rebels to
attack Assad’s government.
The dissent
cable advocates what it calls “the judicious use of
stand-off and air weapons,” which, the signatories
write, “would undergird and drive a more focused and
hardnosed US-led diplomatic process.”
Inside
Syria, both the United States and Russia are
battling the Islamic State (also known as ISIS) as
ISIS and other jihadist groups seek to overthrow the
Assad government. But while the U.S. is supporting
rebel forces (including some fighting ISIS and some
fighting Assad), Russia is backing Assad (and
waging a broader fight against “terrorists,”
including Al Qaeda’s Nusra Front). Reuters
reports the U.S. has about 300 special operations
forces in Syria for its “counter-terrorism mission
against Islamic State militants but is not targeting
the Assad government.”
The
policy outlined in the dissent cable would change
that balance, by having the U.S. military bomb
Syrian soldiers who have been at the forefront of
the fight against both ISIS and Nusra. But that
policy shift “would lead to a war with Russia, would
kill greater numbers of civilians, would sunder the
Geneva peace process, and would result in greater
gains for the radical Sunni ‘rebels’ who are the
principal opponents of the Assad regime,” analyst
James Carden
wrote
at Consortiumnews.com.
Journalist
Robert Parry
added
that the authors of the cable came from the State
Department’s “den of armchair warriors possessed of
imperial delusions,” looking toward a Hillary
Clinton administration which will likely pursue
“no-fly-zones” and “safe zones” leading to more
slaughter in Syria and risking a confrontation with
Russia.
As we
should have learned from the “no-fly zone” that
preceded the Libyan “regime change” that the U.S.
government engineered in 2011, a similar strategy in
Syria would create a vacuum in which ISIS and Al
Qaeda’s Nusra Front would flourish.
Violating U.S. and International Law
The
strategy set forth in the cable would also violate
both U.S. and international law.
Under the
War Powers Resolution (WPR), the President can
introduce U.S. troops into hostilities, or into
situations “where imminent involvement in
hostilities is clearly indicated by the
circumstances,” only (1) after a Congressional
declaration of war, (2) with “specific statutory
authorization,” or (3) in “a national emergency
created by attack upon the United States, its
territories or possessions, or its armed forces.”
None of
three conditions that would allow the president to
use military force in Syria is present at this time.
First, Congress has not declared war. Second,
neither the 2001 Authorization for the Use of
Military Force (AUMF), which George W. Bush used to
invade Afghanistan, nor the 2002 AUMF, which Bush
used to invade Iraq would provide a legal basis for
an attack on Syria at the present time. Third, there
has been no attack on the United States or U.S.
armed forces. Thus, an armed attack on Syria would
violate the WPR.
Even if a
military attack on Syria did not run afoul of the
WPR, it would violate the United Nations Charter, a
treaty the U.S. has ratified, making it part of U.S.
law under the Constitution’s Supremacy Clause.
Article 2(4) of the Charter says that states “shall
refrain in their international relations from the
threat or use of force against the territorial
integrity or political independence of any state.”
The Charter
only allows a military attack on another country in
the case of self-defense or when the Security
Council authorizes it; neither has occurred in this
case. Assad’s government has not attacked the United
States, and the Council has not approved military
strikes on Syria.
Indeed,
Security Council Resolution 2254, to which the cable
refers, nowhere authorizes the use of military
force, and ends with the words, “[The Security
Council] decides to remain actively seized of the
matter.” This means that the Council has not
delegated the power to attack Syria to any entity
other than itself.
If the U.S.
were to mount an armed attack on Syria, the Charter
would give Assad a valid self-defense claim, and
Russia could legally assist Assad in collective
self-defense under Article 51 of the Charter.
Moreover, forcible “regime change” would violate
Article 1 of the International Covenant on Civil and
Political Rights, which the U.S. has also ratified.
Although
it’s true that the “dissent” cable eschews the use
of U.S. “ground forces,” its recommendation that the
U.S. should bomb Assad’s government would involve
U.S. military personnel who would fly the bombers or
fire off the missiles. And, such an operation would
invariably necessitate at least a limited number of
U.S. support troops on the ground.
Opposition to Violent ‘Regime Change’
Many
commentators have warned of dangers from a U.S.
military attack on Syria, risks that are either
ignored or breezily dismissed by the “dissent”
cable.
Jean Aziz
cautions in Al-Monitor, “the recommendation
of military strikes against the Syrian government –
no matter how well intentioned – is, in the end,
escalatory, and would likely result in more war,
killing, refugees, less humanitarian aid reaching
civilians, the empowerment of jihadis and so on.”
The United
States is already empowering jihadis, “going out of
its way to protect the interests of al-Qaeda’s
closest and most powerful ally in Syria, Ahrar
al-Sham,” Gareth Porter wrote in Truthout.
Porter reported that Ahrar al-Sham, which works
closely with the Nusra Front, “is believed to be the
largest military force seeking to overthrow the
Assad regime in Syria, with at least 15,000 troops.”
So, in
seeking Assad’s ouster, the U.S. has terrorist
bedfellows. So much for the “global war on terror.”
As CIA
Director John Brennan recently told the Senate
Intelligence Committee, “Our efforts have not
reduced [Islamic State’s] terrorism capability and
global reach,” adding, “The branch in Libya is
probably the most developed and the most dangerous.”
No wonder
President Obama told Fox News “the worst
mistake” of his presidency was not planning for the
aftermath of U.S. regime change in Libya, although
he stubbornly maintains that ousting President
Muammar Gaddafi was “the right thing to do.”
The Center
for Citizen Initiatives, a group of U.S. citizens
currently on a delegation to Russia in order to
increase understanding and reduce international
tension and conflict, issued
a statement
in strong opposition to the “dissent” cable. Retired
Col. Ann Wright, anti-war activist Kathy Kelly and
former CIA analyst Ray McGovern are part of the
group.
“It is not
the right of the USA or any other foreign country to
determine who should lead the Syrian government,”
the statement says. “That decision should be made by
the Syrian people.”
The
statement urges the State Department “to seek
non-military solutions in conformity with the UN
Charter and international law.” It also urges the
Obama administration to “stop funding and supplying
weapons to armed ‘rebels’ in violation of
international law and end the policy of forced
‘regime change’.” Finally, the statement calls for
“an urgent nation-wide public debate on the U.S.
policy of ‘regime change’.”
This is
sage advice in light of the disasters created by the
U.S. government’s forcible regime change in Iraq and
Libya, which destabilized those countries,
facilitating the rise of ISIS and other terrorist
groups. There is no reason to believe the situation
in Syria would be any different.
Instead of
saber-rattling against Assad, Russia and Iran, the
Obama administration should include them all in
pursuing diplomacy toward a political, non-military
settlement to the Syrian crisis.
Marjorie Cohn is
professor emerita at Thomas Jefferson School of Law
where she taught from 1991-2016. She lectures,
writes, and provides media commentary for local,
regional, national and international outlets. A
former news consultant for CBS News and a legal
analyst for Court TV, Professor Cohn has been a
legal and political commentator on BBC, CNN, MSNBC,
Fox News, NPR, and Pacifica Radio. |