Only
Clinton Can Save Trump’s Electoral Victory
By James
Petras
Rational Voters and Irrational Experts
June 15,
2016 "Information
Clearing House"
- Large swaths of the US electorate are voting for
rational choices against a system controlled by an
economic and political oligarchy.
Rational
choice is based on experience with political leaders
who pursue policies which lead to a trillion dollar
financial crises and bailouts which impoverish
millions of mortgage holders and working family tax
payers.
Rational
rejection of the established leadership of the major
parties is based on an understanding of the futility
of relying on their campaign promises.
Rational
commitments to ending inequality and overseas wars
which weaken America, has led to greater emphasis on
making America strong and transforming the domestic
American economy and security system.
A vast
array of electoral analysts have ignored the
rational socioeconomic and political choices of the
American electorate and repeatedly rely on
psycho-babble, claiming that contemporary voters are
reacting out of ‘anger’ and ‘irrational
emotionalism’.
Sanders and Trump: Appeals to the New Rationality?
The woeful
blindness of political experts is in large part a
product of their own hostility to the rise of two
Presidential candidates, Bernie Sanders and Donald
Trump, who challenge the established party and
economic leadership.
The Sanders
campaign proceeded along the lines of a political
polarization between big business and the working
class; demanding higher taxes for the wealthy and
greater social spending for public health and
education foe the working class.
Sander’s
sought to unify racial and ethnic minorities and
majoritarian workers with progressive gender,
religious and environmental movements.
The Trump
campaign sought to mobilize white American
majorities among workers, small businesspeople and
professionals, who are downwardly mobile and have
been marginalized by globalization.
Sanders
emphasized a refurbished class identity. Trump
promoted a new nationalist symbolism. Yet in many
ways the establishment opposition, the parties, mass
media and the economic elite, are far more hostile
to Trump’s ‘nationalist politics’ than Sanders’
democratic socialist program and class appeal.
It appears
that Sanders willingness to come to terms with the
Democratic elite and back Clinton’s candidacy when
he lost the nomination, is far more acceptable to
the establishment than Trump. According to all known
precedents, the Democratic Party allows progressive
candidates to post advanced socio-economic campaign
platforms to secure working class voters, all the
better to tank them in favor of business-warmonger
policies once in office.
Trump’s
initial nationalist-anti-globalist rhetoric aroused
greater animosity from business, liberal and
militarist elites than Sanders’ occasional critical
comment.
Trump’s
nationalism was rooted in popular and reactionary
appeals. On the one hand he spoke of relocating
multi-nationals from abroad to the US. On the other
hand, he demands the expulsion of over ten million
Mexicans from the US labor market.
His
anti-globalization-business relocation strategy
lacked several essential ingredients: he did not
specify which multi-nationals would be affected; nor
what policies he would apply to implement the
trillion-dollar return.
In
contrast, Trump was precise in naming the immigrants
to be expelled; the police methods to expel the
target population; and the border security system to
blockade their entry.
Trump’s Electoral Victory and Neoliberal Right Turn
Trump’s
successful nomination led to an appeal to big donors
for campaign funding and endorsements by Republican
neo-liberal Congressional leaders like Paul
Ryan.This has led Trump to downgrade his anti-
globalization, economic nationalist politics, in
favor of his chauvinist ethno-racist appeals.
Trump’s
current electoral strategy seeks to unify the hard
neo-liberal elite with the ‘patriotic’ white working
class.
Trump’s
ideological vehicle to the Presidency no longer
attacks globalization. Instead he relies on arousing
public support by stigmatizing ‘anti-American’
minorities and targeting Clinton’s reactionary and
corrupt policies.
Trumps’
“Make America Strong” propaganda follows closely in
line with Obama’s headline attack on China’s steel
exports to the US markets.
Trump’s
“Make America Strong” policy follows Obama’s
systematic assault on the World Trade Organization’s
for rejecting US agricultural trade subsidies. More
recently,in tune with Trumps rhetoric, Obama
unilaterally dictated the membership of the WTO’s
trade settlement process.
Obama
blocked the reappointment of an independent South
Korean lawyer who opposed Washington’s violation of
WTO rules. Rather then look upon Trump as an anti-establistment
“populist” his policy would follow Obama’s promotion
of business lobbies against the WTO.
Trump
follows Obama’s policy of favoring globalization
only insofar as Washington controls the
international institutions that run it. Trump
follows Washington’s imperial policy of packing
global institutions with its vassals.
Trump in the Footstep of Sanders
Trump’s
embrace of the neo-liberal business elite follows
Sanders submission to the Democratic Party bosses.
Trump hopes his mass base can be deluded from his
right-turn embrace of the economic elite by
increasing slanders and provocations,turning them
against working class Mexicans by accusing them of
stealing jobs, crimes and drugs. Trump’s mass
meetings of almost exclusively white working and
middle class voters in Mexican-American regions of
California are designed to provoke violent protests.
Trump gains
nation-wide nationalist support by circulating
videos of NBC, CNN and ABC reports depicting
peaceful white Trump supporters being “terrorized
and beaten up by mobs of (Mexican-American)
protesters”.
Trump
appeals to his “Americans” to denounce and ‘stand
strong” against demonstrators waving Mexican flags
and burning the Stars and Stripes alongside Trumps’
“Make America Great” hats.
Trump’s
turn to the neo-liberal Republican elite means he
will heighten his repressive and anti-immigrant
policies. Trump will be aided by mindless 5 violent
protesters and provocations “overcoming the police”
at anti-Trump rallies. Trump effectively engages in
the “propaganda of the deed”; linking “disloyal
foreign immigrants” waving the Mexican, not the US
flag.
The
realignment of the Republican Party brings Trump
into the arms of the hardline neo-liberal
Congressional-Wall Street elite. This shift means
Trump’s ideological and mass base needs to be
redirected toward greater hostility to domestic
enemies – Mexicans, Muslims, women and ecologists.
Trump is
especially counting on the incorporation of Sanders’
electoral machine into the Clinton campaign. White
workers face to face with Wall Street warmonger
Clinton will be less likely to reject Trump’s
embrace of the rightwing Congressional business
alliance.
Trump will
deflect working class opposition from his turn to
the neoliberal Congressional Republicans by
targeting Clinton’s big business and covert, illicit
government operations. Clinton’gross violations of
federal laws, her felonious communications and
liasons with foreign officials could hand the
Presidency to Trump.
Trump has
gained working class voters in West Virginia, Ohio
,and many other rust-belt states because of
Clinton’s free trade and anti-working class history.
Trump’s
electoral victory will hinge on his capacity to
cover-up his neoliberal turn and to focus voters’
attention on Clinton’s militarist, Wall Street
,conspiratorial and anti-working class politics.
James
Petras is a Bartle Professor (Emeritus) of Sociology
at Binghamton University, New York. |