We Must
Understand Corporate Power to Fight It
By Chris
Hedges
June 14,
2016 "Information
Clearing House"
- "Truth
Dig"
- In
the winter of 1941, a Jewish gravedigger from Chelmo,
the western province of Poland, appeared in Warsaw
and desperately sought a meeting with Jewish
leaders.
He told
them the Nazis were rounding up Jews, including the
old, women and children, and forcing them into what
looked like tightly sealed buses. The buses had the
exhaust pipes redirected into the cabins. The Jews
were killed with carbon monoxide. He had helped dig
the mass graves for thousands of corpses until he
escaped.
On the way
to Warsaw, he had gone from village to village,
frantically warning the Jews. Scores of Jews, in the
villages and ultimately in Warsaw, heard his
testimony of horror and dismissed it.
A handful
of listeners, however, including
Zivia Lubetkin, who two years later would help
lead the uprising by 500 armed Jewish fighters in
the Warsaw Ghetto, instantly understood the ultimate
aims of the Nazi state.
“I don’t
know how we intuitively shared the same horrible
conviction that the total annihilation of all the
Jewish communities in Nazi-occupied Europe was at
hand,” she wrote in her memoir, “In the Days of
Destruction and Revolt.”
She and a
handful of young activists started planning a
revolt. From that moment forward, they existed in a
parallel reality.
“We walked
along the overcrowded streets of the Warsaw Ghetto,
hundreds of thousands of people pushing and rushing
about in fright, antagonistic and tense, living the
illusion that they were fighting for their lives,
their meager livelihood, but, in reality, when you
closed your eyes you could see that they were all
dead …”
The
established Jewish leadership warned the resistance
fighters to desist, telling them to work within the
parameters set by the Nazi occupiers. The faces of
the established Jewish leaders, when they were
informed of the plans to fight back, she wrote,
“grew pale, either from sudden fear or from anger at
our audacity. They were furious. They reproached us
for irresponsibly sowing the seeds of despair and
confusion among the people, for our impertinence in
even thinking of armed resistance.”
The
greatest problem the underground movement faced, she
wrote, was “the false hope, the great illusion.” The
movement’s primary task was to destroy these
illusions. Only when the truth was known would
widespread resistance be possible.
The aims of
the corporate state are, given the looming collapse
of the ecosystem, as deadly, maybe more so, as the
acts of mass genocide carried out by the Nazis and
Stalin’s Soviet Union.
The reach
and effectiveness of corporate propaganda dwarfs
even the huge effort undertaken by Adolf Hitler and
Stalin. The layers of deception are sophisticated
and effective. News is state propaganda. Elaborate
spectacles and forms of entertainment, all of which
ignore reality or pretend the fiction of liberty and
progress is real, distract the masses.
Education
is indoctrination. Ersatz intellectuals, along with
technocrats and specialists, who are obedient to
neoliberal and imperial state doctrine, use their
academic credentials and erudition to deceive the
public.
The
promises made by the corporate state and its
political leaders—we will restore your jobs, we
will protect your privacy and civil liberties, we
will rebuild the nation’s infrastructure, we will
save the environment, we will prevent you from being
exploited by banks and predatory corporations, we
will make you safe, we will provide a future for
your children—are the opposite of reality.
The loss of
privacy, the constant monitoring of the citizenry,
the use of militarized police to carry out
indiscriminate acts of lethal violence—a daily
reality in marginal communities—and the relentless
drive to plunge as much as two-thirds of the country
into poverty to enrich a tiny corporate elite, along
with the psychosis of permanent war, presage a
dystopia that will be as severe as the totalitarian
systems that sent tens of millions to their deaths
during the reigns of fascism and communism.
There is no
more will to reform, or to accommodate the needs and
rights of the citizens by the corporate state, than
there was to accommodate the needs and rights of
Jews in Nazi-occupied Poland. But until the last
moment, this reality will be hidden behind the empty
rhetoric of democracy and reform. Repressive regimes
gradually institute harsher and harsher forms of
control while denying their intentions. By the time
a captive population grasps what is happening, it is
too late.
The
elaborate ruses set up by the Nazis that kept Jews
and others slated for extermination passive until
they reached the doors of the gas chambers, usually
decorated with a large Star of David, were legend.
Those taken to death camps were told they were going
to work. Unloading ramps at
Treblinka were made to look like a train
station, with fabricated train schedules posted on
the walls and a fake train clock and ticket window.
Camp musicians played. The elderly and infirm were
escorted from the cattle cars to a building called
the infirmary, with the Red Cross symbol on it,
before being shot in the back of the head. Men,
women and children, who would die in the gas
chambers within an hour, were given tickets for
their clothes and valuables.
“The
Germans were quite courteous when they led people to
be slaughtered,” Lubetkin noted acidly.
Jews in
ghettos, awaiting deportation to the death camps,
were divided by those who worked for the Nazis and
therefore had certain privileges, and those who did
not. This division effectively pitted the two groups
against each other until the final deportations. And
collaborating with the killers, in the vain hope
that they would be spared, were Jews themselves,
organized into Jewish Councils, or Judenrat,
and formed into units of the Jewish police, along
with what Lubetkin called “their cronies, the
spectators and profiteers, the smugglers.”
In the
death camps, Jews, to stay alive a little longer,
worked in the crematoriums as sonderkommandos.
There are always those among the oppressed willing
to sell out their neighbor for a few more crusts of
bread. As life becomes desperate, the choice is
often between collaboration and death.
Our
corporate masters know what is coming. They know
that as the ecosystem breaks down, as financial
dislocations create new global financial meltdowns,
as natural resources are poisoned or exhausted,
despair will give way to panic and rage.
They know coastal cities will be covered
by rising sea levels, crop yields will
plummet, soaring temperatures will make
whole parts of the globe uninhabitable,
the oceans will become dead zones,
hundreds of millions of refugees will
flee in desperation, and complex
structures of governance and
organization will break down.
They know that the legitimacy of
corporate power and neoliberalism—as
potent and utopian an ideology as
fascism or communism—will crumble. The
goal is to keep us fooled and
demobilized as long as possible.
The corporate state, operating a system
Sheldon Wolin referred to as
“inverted totalitarianism,” invests
tremendous sums—$5 billion in this
presidential election alone—to ensure
that we do not see its intentions or our
ultimate predicament.
These systems of propaganda play on our
emotions and desires. They make us
confuse how we are made to feel with
knowledge. They get us to identify with
the manufactured personality of a
political candidate. Millions wept at
the death of Josef Stalin, including
many who had been imprisoned in his
gulags. There is a powerful yearning to
believe in the paternal nature of
despotic power.
There are cracks in the edifice. The
loss of faith in neoliberalism has been
a driving force in the insurgencies in
the Republican and Democratic parties.
Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton, of
course, will do nothing to halt the
corporate assault. There will be no
reform. Totalitarian systems are not
rational. There will only be harsher
forms of repression and more pervasive
systems of indoctrination and
propaganda. The voices of dissenters,
now marginalized, will be silenced.
It
is time to step outside of the
establishment. This means organizing
groups, including political parties,
that are independent of the corporate
political machines that control the
Republicans and Democrats.
It
means carrying out acts of sustained
civil disobedience. It means disruption.
Our resistance must be nonviolent. The
Jews in the Warsaw Ghetto, condemned to
imminent death and alienated from a
Polish population steeped in
anti-Semitism, had no hope of appealing
to the Nazi state or most of the Poles.
But we still have options. Many who work
within ruling class structures
understand the corruption and dishonesty
of corporate power. We must appeal to
their conscience. We must disseminate
the truth.
We
have little time left. Climate change,
even if we halt all carbon emissions
today, will still bring rising
temperatures, havoc, instability and
systems collapse to much of the planet.
Let us hope we never have to make the
stark choice, as most of the ghetto
fighters did, about how we will die. If
we fail to act, however, this choice
will one day define our future, as it
defined theirs.
Chris Hedges, spent nearly two
decades as a foreign correspondent in
Central America, the Middle East, Africa
and the Balkans. He has reported from
more than 50 countries and has worked
for The Christian Science Monitor,
National Public Radio, The Dallas
Morning News and The New York Times, for
which he was a foreign correspondent for
15 years.
© 2016 TruthDig
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