The Case Against Manifest Destiny
By Cesar Chelala
May 29, 2016 "Information
Clearing House"
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The disastrous consequences of the
armed interventions against Iraq, Afghanistan,
Lebanon, Syria, Yemen and Ukraine, to name just a
few, show the urgent need to revive the principle of
non-intervention into another state. This principle
of international law includes, but is not limited
to, the prohibition of the threat or use of force
against the territorial integrity or political
independence of any state, according to Article 2.4
of the Charter of the United Nations.
The Swiss legal philosopher Emmerich de Vattel is
credited with being the first to formulate the
principle of non-intervention in his Droit de gens
ou principles de la loi naturelle (The Law of
Nations) published in 1758. Essentially, the
principle establishes the right of territorial
sovereignty possessed by each nation. The scope of
the principle, however, has been subject to debate.
What constitutes intervention in practical terms?
Does it include only the use or threat of military
force, or it also includes economic sanctions, cyber
warfare or other kinds of non-military intervention
such as propaganda campaigns or control of media
messages to other countries?
According to Michael Wood, a member of the UN
International Law Commission, one of the earliest
treaty formulations of the principle was included in
the Article 15 (8) of the Covenant of the League of
Nations and the Montevideo Convention on Rights and
Duties of States of 1933, which precluded
“interference with the freedom, the sovereignty or
other internal affairs, or the processes of the
Governments of other nations,” together with the
Additional Protocol on Non-Intervention of 1936.
Later on, the UN General Assembly issued a
Declaration on the Inadmissibility of Intervention
and Interference in the Domestic Affairs of States (UNGA
resolution 2131 (XX) 1965). According to Oppenheim’s
International Law, the prohibition of intervention
“is a corollary of every state’s right to
sovereignty, territorial integrity and political
independence.”
A paradigmatic case in which this principle was
applied was that of Nicaragua vs. United States,
following the U.S. support for the “contras”
fighting the Nicaraguan Government and the mining of
Nicaraguan harbors. The case was decided n 1986 by
the International Court of Justice (ICJ).
The ICJ ruled in favor of Nicaragua and against the
United States, and awarded reparations to the
Nicaraguan Government. According to the ICJ, the
actions of the U.S. against Nicaragua violated
international law. The U.S. refused to participate
in the proceedings after the Court rejected its
argument that the ICJ lacked jurisdiction to hear
the case.
In a move that did no honor to the country, the U.S.
later blocked the enforcement of the judgment by the
UN Security Council, thus preventing Nicaragua from
obtaining any compensation. In 1992, under the
government of Violeta Chamorro, the Nicaraguan
government withdrew its complaint.
According to the Court’s verdict, the U.S. was “in
breach of its obligations under customary
international law not to use force against another
State”, “not to intervene in its affairs”, “not to
violate its sovereignty”, “not to interrupt peaceful
maritime commerce”, and “in breach of its
obligations under Article XIX of the Treaty of
Friendship, Commerce and Navigation between the
parties signed at Managua on 21 January 1956.”
Furthermore, the ICJ determined that, “…the laying
of mines in the waters of another State without any
warning or notification is not only an unlawful act
but also a breach of the principles of humanitarian
law underlying the Hague Convention No. VIII of
1907.”
The principle of non-intervention has obvious limits
in case of grave violations of human rights. For
this reason, a norm called Responsibility to Protect
(R2P or RtoP) was developed. The origin of this norm
was the international community’s failure to respond
to tragedies such as the Rwandan Genocide in 1994
and the Srebrenica massacre in 1995.
According to this norm, sovereignty is not an
absolute right, and states forfeit aspects of their
sovereignty when they fail to protect their
populations from mass atrocities crimes and human
rights violations. However, to avoid abuses of this
principle, any international action to curb mass
crimes should have the approval of the United
Nations.
Although the principle of non-intervention is
extremely difficult to enforce in today’s complex
world, its principles should be revived again. This
is particularly pertinent if one considers the
tremendous loss of lives that recent interventions
into other States have caused.
Dr. Cesar Chelala is a winner of an Overseas Press
Club of America award and two national journalism
awards from Argentina. |