New
Political Earthquake in Brazil:
Is it Now Time for Media Outlets to Call this a
“Coup”?
By Glenn
Greenwald - Andrew Fishman - David Miranda
(Uma versão
deste artigo em português será publicada em breve)
May 23,
2016 "Information
Clearing House"
- "The
Intercept"
- Brazil today awoke to stunning news of secret,
genuinely shocking conversations involving a key
minister in Brazil’s newly installed government,
which shine a bright light on the actual motives and
participants driving the impeachment of the
country’s democratically elected president, Dilma
Rousseff. The transcripts were published by
the country’s largest newspaper, Folha de
São Paulo, and reveal secret conversations
that took place in March, just weeks before the
impeachment vote in the lower House took place. They
show explicit plotting between the new Planning
Minister (then-Senator) Romero Jucá and former oil
executive Sergio Machado – both of whom are formal
targets of the “Car Wash” corruption investigation –
as they agree that removing Dilma is the only means
for ending the corruption investigation.
The conversations also include discussions of the
important role played in Dilma’s removal by the most
powerful national institutions, including – most
importantly – Brazil’s military leaders.
The
transcripts are filled with profoundly incriminating
statements about the real goals of impeachment and
who was behind it. The crux of this plot is what Jucá
calls “a national pact” – involving all of Brazil’s
most powerful institutions – to leave Michel Temer
in place as President (notwithstanding his multiple
corruption scandals) and to kill the corruption
investigation once Dilma is removed. In the words of
Folha, Jucá made clear that impeachment
will “end the pressure from the media and other
sectors to continue the Car Wash investigation.” It
is unclear who is responsible for recording and
leaking the 75-minute conversation, but Folha
reports that the files are currently in the hand of
the Prosecutor General. The next few hours and days
will likely see new revelations that will shed
additional light on the implications and meaning of
these transcripts.
The
transcripts contain two extraordinary revelations
that should lead all media outlets to seriously
consider whether they should call what took place in
Brazil a “coup”: a term Dilma and her supporters
have used for months. When discussing the plot to
remove Dilma as a means of ending the Car Wash
investigation, Jucá said the Brazilian military is
supporting the plot: “I am talking to the generals,
the military commanders. They are fine with this,
they said they will guarantee it.” He also said the
military is “monitoring the Landless Workers
Movement (Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem
Terra (MST)),” the social movement of rural workers
who support PT’s efforts of land reform and
inequality reduction and have led the protests
against impeachment.
The second
blockbuster revelation – perhaps even
more significant – is Jucá’s statement that he spoke
with and secured the involvement of numerous
justices on Brazil’s Supreme Court, the institution
that impeachment defenders have repeatedly pointed
to as vesting the process with legitimacy and to
deny that Dilma’s removal is a coup. Jucá claimed
“there are only a small number” of Court justices to
which he had not obtained access (the only
justice he said he ultimately could not get to is Teori
Zavascki, who was appointed by Dilma and who –
notably – Jucá viewed as uncorruptable in obtaining
his help to kill the investigation (a central irony
of impeachment is that Dilma has protected the Car
War investigation from interference by those who
want to impeach her)). The transcripts also show him
saying that “the press wants to take her [Dilma]
out,” so “this shit will never stop” – meaning the
corruption investigations – until she’s gone.
The
transcripts provide proof for virtually every
suspicion and accusation impeachment opponents have
long expressed about those plotting to remove Dilma
from office. For months, supporters of Brazil’s
democracy have made two arguments about the attempt
to remove the country’s democratically elected
president: (1) the core purpose of
Dilma’s impeachment is not to stop
corruption or punish lawbreaking, but rather the
exact opposite: to protect the actual thieves by
empowering them with Dilma’s exit, thus
enabling them to kill the “Car Wash” investigation;
and (2) the impeachment advocates
(led by the country’s oligarchical media) have zero
interest in clean government, but only in seizing
power that they could never obtain democratically,
in order to impose a right-wing, oligarch-serving
agenda that the Brazilian population would never
accept.
The first two
weeks of Temer’s newly installed government provided
abundant evidence for both of these claims. He
appointed multiple ministers directly implicated in
corruption scandals. A key ally in the lower House
who will lead his government’s coalition there –
André Moura – is one of the most corrupt politicians
in the country, the target of multiple, active
criminal probes
not only for corruption but also attempted
homicide. Temer himself is deeply enmeshed
in corruption (he faces an 8-year ban on running for
any office), and is
rushing to implement a series of radical
right-wing changes that Brazilians would never
democratically allow, including measures, as the
Guardian detailed, “to soften the definition of
slavery, roll back the demarcation of indigenous
land, trim housebuilding programs and sell off state
assets in airports, utilities and the post office.”
But, unlike
the events of the last two weeks, these transcripts
are not merely clues or signs. They are proof:
proof that the prime forces behind the removal of
the president understood that taking her out was the
only way to save themselves and shield their own
extreme corruption from accountability; proof that
Brazil’s military, its dominant media outlets, and
its Supreme Court were colluding in secret to
ensure the removal of the democratically elected
president; proof that the perpetrators of
impeachment viewed Dilma’s continued presence in
Brasilia as the guarantor that the Car Wash
investigations would continue; proof that this had
nothing to do with preserving Brazilian democracy
and everything to do with destroying it.
For his
part, Jucá admits that these transcripts are
authentic but insists it was all just a
misunderstanding with his comments taken out of
context,
calling it “banal.” “That conversation is not
about a pact for Car Wash. It’s about the economy,
to extricate Brazil from the crisis,”
he claimed in an interview this morning UOL
political blogger Fernando Rodrigues. That
explanation is entirely implausible given what he
actually said, as well as the explicitly
conspiratorial nature of the conversations, in which
Jucá insists on a series of one-on-one encounters,
rather than meeting in a group, all to avoid
provoking suspicions. Political leaders are already
calling for
his resignation from the government.
Ever since
Temer’s installation as president, Brazil has seen
intense, and growing, protests against him.
Brazilian media outlets – which have been
desperately trying to glorify him – have
suspiciously refrained from publishing polling data
for many weeks, but the last polls show him with
only 2% support and 60% wanting him impeached. The
only recent published polling data showed that
66% of Brazilians believe legislators voted for
impeachment only out of self-interest – a belief
these transcripts validate – while only 23% believe
they did so for the good of the country. Last night
in São Paulo, police were forced to barricade the
street where Temer’s house is located due to
thousands of protesters heading there; they
eventually used fire houses and tear gas. An
announcement to close the Ministry of Culture led to
artists and others occupying offices around the
country in protest, which forced Temer to reverse
the decision.
Until now, The
Intercept, like most international media
outlets, has refrained from using the word “coup”
even as it (along with most outlets) has been deeply
critical of Dilma’s removal as anti-democratic.
These transcripts compel a re-examination of that
editorial decision, particularly if no evidence
emerges calling into question either the most
reasonable meaning of Jucá’s statements or his level
of knowledge. This newly revealed plotting is
exactly what a coup looks, sounds and smells like:
securing the cooperation of the military and most
powerful institutions to remove a democratically
elected leader for self-interested, corrupt and
lawless motives, in order to then impose an
oligarch-serving agenda that the population
despises.
If Dilma’s
impeachment remains inevitable, as many believe,
these transcripts will make it much more difficult
to leave Temer in place. Recent polling data
shows that 62% of Brazilians want new elections
to select their president. That option – the
democratic one – is the one Brazil’s elites fear
most, because they are petrified (with
good reason) that Lula or another candidate they
dislike (Marina Silva) will win. But that’s the
point: if what is being avoided and smashed in
Brazil is democracy, then it’s time to start using
the proper language to describe this. These
transcripts make it increasingly difficult for media
outlets to avoid doing so.
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