How
Barack Obama Turned His Back On Saudi Arabia And Its
Sunni Allies
World View: A striking feature of the President's
foreign policy is that he learns from failures and
mistakes
By Patrick Cockburn
March 18, 2016
"Information
Clearing House"
- "The
Independent"-
Commentators have missed the
significance of President Barack Obama’s acerbic
criticism of Saudi Arabia and Sunni states long
allied to the US for fomenting sectarian hatred and
seeking to lure the US into fighting regional wars
on their behalf. In a series of lengthy interviews
with Jeffrey Goldberg
published in
The Atlantic magazine, Mr Obama explains why it is not in the
US’s interests to continue the tradition of the US
foreign policy establishment, whose views he
privately disdains, by giving automatic support to
the Saudis and their allies.
Obama’s arguments are important because they are
not off-the-cuff remarks, but are detailed, wide
ranging, carefully considered and leading to new
departures in US policy. The crucial turning point
came on 30 August 2013 when he refused to launch air
strikes in Syria. This would, in effect, have
started military action by the US to force regime
change in Damascus, a course of action proposed by
much of the Obama cabinet as well by US foreign
policy specialists.
Saudi Arabia, Turkey and the Gulf monarchies were
briefly convinced that they would get their wish and
the US was going to do their work for them by
overthrowing President Bashar al-Assad. They claimed
this would be easy to do, though it would have
happened only if there had been a full-scale
American intervention and it would have produced a
power vacuum that would have been filled by
fundamentalist Islamic movements as in Iraq,
Afghanistan and Libya. Mr Goldberg says that by
refusing to bomb Syria, Obama “broke with what he
calls, derisively, ‘the Washington Playbook’. This
was his liberation day”.
The US has been notoriously averse since 9/11 to
put any blame on the Saudis for creating
salafi-jihadism, at the core of which is Sunni
sectarian hatred for the Shia and other variants of
Islam in addition to repressive social mores,
including the reduction of women to servile status.
President Obama is highly informed about the
origins of al-Qa’ida and Islamic State, describing
how Islam in Indonesia, where he spent part of his
childhood, had become more intolerant and exclusive.
Asked why this had occurred, Mr Obama is quoted as
replying: “The Saudis and other Gulf Arabs have
funnelled money, and large numbers of imams and
teachers, into the country. In the 1990s, the Saudis
heavily funded Wahhabist madrassas, seminaries that
teach the fundamentalist version of Islam favoured
by the Saudi ruling family.” The same shift towards
the “Wahhabisation” of mainstream Sunni Islam is
affecting the great majority of the 1.6 billion
Muslims in the world who are Sunnis.
Arab oil states spread their power by many means
in addition to religious proselytism, including the
simple purchase of people and institutions which
they see as influential. Academic institutions of
previously high repute in Washington have shown
themselves to be as shamelessly greedy for subsidies
from the Gulf and elsewhere as predatory warlords
and corrupt leaders in Iraq, Syria, Lebanon and
beyond.
Mr Goldberg, who has had extraordinary access to
Obama and his staff over an extended period,
reports: “A widely held sentiment inside the White
House is that many of the most prominent
foreign-policy think tanks in Washington are doing
the bidding of their Arab and pro-Israel funders.
I’ve heard one administration official refer to
Massachusetts Avenue, the home of many of these
think tanks, as ‘Arab-occupied territory’.”
Television and newspapers happily quote supposed
experts from such think tanks as if they were
non-partisan academics of unblemished objectivity.
It will be important to know after the US
election if the new president will continue to
rebalance US foreign policy away from reliance on
Sunni powers seeking to use American military and
political “muscle” in their own interests. Past US
leaders have closed their eyes to this with
disastrous consequences in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya
and Syria. Mr Goldberg says that President Obama
“questioned, often harshly, the role that America’s
Sunni Arab allies play in fomenting anti-American
terrorism. He is clearly irritated that foreign
policy orthodoxy compels him to treat Saudi Arabia
as an ally”.
What is truly strange about the new departures in
US foreign policy is that they have taken so long to
occur. Within days of 9/11, it was known that 15 out
of the 19 hijackers were Saudi, as was Osama bin
Laden and the donors who financed the operation.
Moreover, the US went on treating Saudi Arabia,
Turkey, Pakistan and the Gulf monarchies as if they
were great powers, when all the evidence was that
their real strength and loyalty to the West were
limited.
Though it was obvious that the US would be unable
to defeat the Taliban so long as it was supported
and given sanctuary by Pakistan, the Americans never
confronted Pakistan on the issue. According to
Goldberg, Obama “privately questions why Pakistan,
which he believes is a disastrously dysfunctional
country, should be considered an ally of the US at
all”. As regards Turkey, the US President had hopes
of its President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, but has since
come to see him as an authoritarian ruler whose
policies have failed.
A striking feature of Obama’s foreign policy is
that he learns from failures and mistakes. This is
in sharp contrast to Britain where David Cameron
still claims he did the right thing by supporting
the armed opposition that replaced Muammar Gaddafi
in Libya, while George Osborne laments Parliament’s
refusal to vote for the bombing of Syria in 2013.
Not surprisingly, Obama sounds almost
contemptuous of Cameron and the then French
president Nicolas Sarkozy, who played a leading role
in demanding the Nato air campaign in Libya. The US
went along with President Sarkozy’s bragging as the
price of French support, though Mr Obama says that
“we [the US] had wiped out all the air defences and
essentially set up the entire infrastructure” for
the intervention. Despite all the US efforts not to
make the same mistakes it made in Iraq in 2003,
Obama concedes that “Libya is a mess” and privately
calls it a “shit show”, something that he blames on
the passivity of US allies and Libyan tribal
divisions.
Three years
later, the collapse of Libya into anarchy and
warlord rule served as warning to Obama against
military intervention in Syria where he rightly
calculated that the Libya disaster would be
repeated.
The
calamitous Libyan precedent has had no such impact
on Cameron or the Foreign Secretary, Philip Hammond,
who continue to advocate armed action using
arguments which President Obama has abandoned as
discredited by events as well as being a
self-serving attempt by others to piggy-back on
American power.
It will
become clearer after November’s presidential
election how far Obama’s realistic take on Saudi
Arabia, Turkey, Pakistan and other US allies and his
scepticism about the US foreign policy establishment
will be shared by the new administration. The omens
are not very good since Hillary Clinton supported
the invasion of Iraq in 2003, intervention in Libya
in 2011 and bombing Syria in 2013. If she wins the
White House, then the Saudis and the US foreign
policy establishment will breathe more easily.
Chaos and
Caliphate: Jihadis and the West in the Struggle for
the Middle East (OR Books) by Patrick Cockburn is
published this month
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