Who are the often nameless victims of drone strikes
in Afghanistan?
By Emran Feroz
March 09, 2016
"Information
Clearing House"
- "Al
Jazeera"
- The food stand was completely destroyed. So, too,
was the body of its owner, 21-year-old Sadiq Rahim
Jan.
"My brother
was torn to pieces. Almost nothing was left of him,"
says Islam Rahim Jan.
It was July 2012 and his death plunged his family
into despair and poverty.
Sadiq was the family's main breadwinner. His income
as the owner of the only food stand in the village
of Gardda Zarrai, in the eastern Afghan province of
Paktia, provided for his parents and four siblings.
Nobody knows why he was targeted in a drone strike.
But since 2001, US drone attacks have become a near
regular feature of life - and cause of death - in
Afghanistan, particularly in the country's south and
east.
According to
the London-based Bureau of Investigative Journalism,
Afghanistan is the "most
drone-bombed country in the world". Between 2001
and 2013, at least 1,670 drone strikes took place in
the country.
But accurate data about the impact of
those strikes, particularly casualty figures, does
not exist. There are a number of reasons for this.
On the one hand, the media seems to largely ignore
drone warfare and its victims. On the other, there
is little political will for transparency, be it in
Washington or Kabul. In 2013, a United Nations
report on drone strikes in Afghanistan, Pakistan and
Yemen pointed out that the "clandestine
nature of US drone strikes hinders evaluation of
their impact on civilians".
So the names
and stories of many of the victims remain unknown to
all but their families.
Compounding this invisibility is the fact that the
limited media coverage is often inaccurate.
When Sadiq was
killed, several national media outlets reported that
a "Taliban commander" had been killed by a drone
strike in Gardda Zarrai.
"It's really
hard to pin down in these sorts of cases whether
this is deliberate misinformation by someone with a
malicious motive, or if it's an honest mistake,"
says Jack Serle of the bureau, who has spent years
studying drone strikes.
"In my
experience, police and army officials and provincial
government officials are generally the main
journalistic sources for this kind of information.
But it is not often clear where they get their
information [from]," says Serle. "In the past, these
kinds of people have told me they get intelligence
from the NDS, the Afghan intelligence service, who
gets it from the US. But that's not always going to
be the case."
Sadiq's family
say they were outraged when
Radio Azadi, an Afghan branch of the US
government's external broadcast services, and other
national news platforms connected their son to a
group with which they say he had no affiliation. In
fact, they say, Sadiq had never been involved with
any armed group.
But in the
days and weeks after Sadiq was killed, they say, not
a single journalist visited their village to collect
facts or talk to the people who knew him.
The family turned to the local police and army. But,
although they expressed their regret over Sadiq's
death, they told his family not to take any further
action.
"In fact, they just want to silence my family
because such war crimes show the Afghan government
and the United States in a bad light," says Farhad
Khan, Sadiq's cousin who lives in Germany and now
tries to provide financial support to the family.
Until today,
Sadiq's family have not received any explanation as
to why their son was killed or why he was
subsequently classified as a member of the Taliban.
"He welcomed
me like a brother [when I would visit Afghanistan],"
Farhad remembers, adding that they became best
friends.
"The whole village, from young to old, respected and
loved Sadiq. He was a charming and charismatic
person who believed in peace, love and freedom,"
Farhad says.
"For that reason, it feels so wrong for all these
people that he is just remembered as a terrorist by
the rest of the world."
Photographing the victims
It was cases like Sadiq's - the nameless, faceless
drone victims described as members of the Taliban
with no supporting evidence - that made Noor Behram,
a photojournalist from North Waziristan, the border
region between Pakistan and Afghanistan, set out to
explore the scenes of drone strikes.
"I started
with my investigation in 2007, when it was reported
that an aerial attack killed al-Qaeda-linked
militants," Behram says. "But I found torn women's
clothing, which was evidence that civilians were
killed too."
From that time
on, he has visited the site of drone strikes as soon
after an attack as possible. Travelling on a
motorbike, he photographs the scene and victims and
speaks to witnesses.
He noticed that all that seemed to be required for
the Pakistani and international media to describe a
male victim as a member of the Taliban was that he
had long hair and a beard - a common look among many
Pashtun men on either side of the border.
"After
conversations with editors and journalists, I
understood that if a drone strike killed an innocent
adult male civilian, such as a fruit seller or food
vendor, the victim's long hair and beard would be
enough to stereotype him as a militant."
Sadiq had long hair and a beard. But even that isn't
always a requirement.
A
four-year-old victim
In April 2013,
Naqibullah took his son, four-year-old Amir, to the
city of Asadabad, in the eastern province of Kunar,
for medical treatment. Naqibullah told his brother,
25-year-old Abdul Wahid, to take his son back to
their village while he stayed in the city.
When he telephoned home to find out if they had
returned safely, he was told they had not.
"Locals told me that my brother and my son had been
killed by a drone strike," Naqibullah remembers.
"I couldn't bear the news. I lost all sense in this
moment," he says. "Suddenly, all the pictures of my
son and my brother came to my mind while my tears
could not stop."
According to
Naqibullah, government officials insisted that his
son and brother were Taliban fighters. They said the
onus was on him to prove otherwise.
Today, Naqibullah cares for Abdul Wahid's children.
He says one of them, Hilal, is always asking about
this father.
Unreported
According to a recent
report by the United Nations Assistance Mission
in Afghanistan (UNAMA), more than 11,000 civilians
were killed or wounded in the country in
2015.
While armed
groups and the Afghan military are thought to have
been responsible for 98 percent of these incidences,
2 percent of civilian casualties were attributed to
international forces, mainly in the form of air
strikes.
However, the report points out that civilian
casualties caused by international military forces
and the Afghan air force increased by 83 percent in
2015, causing 296 civilian casualties, of which 149
were deaths. Fifty-seven percent of those were
caused by international forces.
According to
UNAMA, the main reason for the increase was the
attack on the MSF hospital in Kunduz on October 3.
The US
government data does not distinguish between classic
aerial attacks and drone strikes. For that reason,
it isn't clear how many drone strikes really took
place inAfghanistan.
But with three
different sources required to confirm a single
casualty, the families of many of those killed say
their relatives have not even made it into that
count.
"You will not find my cousin and other victims like
him in these reports," says Sadiq's cousin, Farhad.
Critics of the UN report say that without
journalists or human rights activists present in the
country's most war-torn areas, killings often go
unreported and unsubstantiated, never making it into
formal records.
"Most war-torn
areas of Afghanistan, especially where drone strikes
take place regularly, are not visited by journalists
or activists. They are considered as too dangerous,
as dead zones," says Waheed Mozhdah, a political
analyst based in Kabul.
Besides, records of civilian casualties only begin
from 2009, eight years after the war started.
In fact, the
very first recorded incident of a strike by a
weaponised drone took place on October 7, 2001, when
US forces targeted the late Taliban leader
Mullah Mohammad Omar in Kandahar.
Omar was not killed on that day - but many ordinary
civilians, just like Sadiq, have been in the years
since.
It is unacceptable to slander, smear or engage in personal attacks on authors of articles posted on ICH.
Those engaging in that behavior will be banned from the comment section.
In accordance
with Title 17 U.S.C. Section 107, this material
is distributed without profit to those who have
expressed a prior interest in receiving the
included information for research and educational
purposes. Information Clearing House has no
affiliation whatsoever with the originator of
this article nor is Information ClearingHouse
endorsed or sponsored by the originator.)