The Lion
and the Sheep
Why they hate
Trump
By
Justin Raimondo
March 01,
2016 "Information
Clearing House"
- "Antiwar"
- On June 14, 1918, a nineteen year old
Italian soldier by the name of Bernardo Vicario was
ordered by his commander, Carl Rigoli, to carry out
a curious task. Outnumbered and outgunned, the
Italian forces would soon be hit with a furious
bombardment that would mean the death of most of
them. Rigoli clearly knew this, which is why he told
young Bernardo to write an inscription on the ruined
wall of a home in the village of Fagare, where they
were holed up:
“Better
to live one day as a lion than a hundred years as a
sheep.”
Rigoli
perished in the battle: Bernardo lived to tell the
tale. And almost a hundred years later, a researcher
looking for ways to smear GOP presidential candidate
Donald Trump stumbled across a reference to it and
attributed it to Benito Mussolini, the Italian
dictator.
A reporter
for Gawker, the notorious gossip site that’s
been sued for libel more times than I care to
discover, had
set up a parody Twitter account named “Il Duce,”
and the reporter, one Ashley Feinberg, tweeted the
not-said-by-Mussolini quote at Trump, who promptly
retweeted it. Shortly afterward, Trump was
confronted by reporter Chuck Todd, who wanted to
know why he was retweeting something said by
Mussolini. Trump wouldn’t back down: “It’s a
great quote,” he said, quite correctly. That
refusal, and the content of the quote itself,
underscores and explains why he is winning and why
the hysterical smear campaign directed at him and
his campaign is failing big-time.
But why
– why do they hate him with such ferocity? The
accusations of “racism” and the way he speaks
without regard for upper class niceties doesn’t
explain the intensity of the hatred coming from the
journalistic wolf pack and the Washington crowd.
After all, shortly after Trump raised the issue of
whether we should allow Muslims into the United
States, the House of Representatives
passed a bill – supported by libertarians like
Rand Paul as well as mainline Republicans and
Democrats – making it all but impossible for
immigrants from Muslim countries to resettle here.
It also requires all foreigners who have visited
Iraq, Syria or Iran, or who hold dual citizenship
from those countries, to apply for a visa before
visiting here… Yet we heard very little about that.
So
where is all this vitriol coming from? David
Stockman, former chief of the Office of Management
and Budget under Ronald Reagan,
nails it:
“To be
sure, there is much that is ugly, superficial and
stupid about Donald Trump’s campaign platform, if
you can call it that, or loose cannon oratory to be
more exact. More on that below, but at the heart of
his appeal are two propositions which strike terror
in the hearts of the Imperial City’s GOP operatives.
“To wit,
he is loudly self-funding his own campaign and
bombastically insisting that America is getting a
bad deal everywhere in the world.
“The
first of these propositions explicitly tells the
legions of K-Street lobbies to take a hike, thereby
posing a mortal threat to the fund raising rackets
which are the GOPs lifeblood. And while the “bad
deal” abroad is superficially about NAFTA and our
$500 billion trade deficit with China, it is really
an attack on the American Imperium.
“The
American people are sick and tired of the Lindsey
Graham/John McCain/George Bush/neocon wars of
intervention and occupation; and they resent the
massive fiscal burdens of our outmoded but still
far-flung alliances, forward bases and apparatus of
security assistance and economic aid. They
especially have no patience for the continued huge
cost of our commitments to cold war relics like
NATO, the stationing of troops in South Korea and
the defense treaty with the incorrigible Japanese,
who still blatantly rig their trade rules against
American exports.
“In
short, The Donald is tapping a
nationalist/isolationist impulse that runs deep
among a weary and economically precarious main
street public. He is clever enough to articulate it
in the bombast of what sounds like a crude trade
protectionism. Yet if Pat Buchanan were to re-write
his speech, it would be more erudite and explicit
about the folly of the American Imperium, but the
message would be the same.”
All this
was on display during the
Houston GOP debate, and yet its significance was
lost amid all the histrionics. To begin with, look
at this exchange between former
AIPAC employee Wolf Blitzer, the moderator, and
Trump:
“BLITZER:
You said this about the ongoing conflict between the
Israelis and the Palestinians – I’m quoting you now:
‘Let me be sort of a neutral guy. I don’t want to
say whose fault it is, I don’t think it helps.’
“TRUMP:
Right.
“BLITZER: Here’s the question. How do you remain
neutral when the U.S. considers Israel to be
America’s closest ally in the Middle East?
“TRUMP:
Well, first of all, I don’t think they do under
President Obama because I think he’s treated Israel
horribly, all right? I think he’s treated Israel
horribly. I was the grand marshall down 5th Avenue a
number of years ago for the Israeli Day Parade, I
have very close ties to Israel. I’ve received the
Tree of Life Award and many of the greatest awards
given by Israel.
“As
president, however, there’s nothing that I would
rather do to bring peace to Israel and its neighbors
generally. And I think it serves no purpose to say
that you have a good guy and a bad guy.
“Now, I
may not be successful in doing it. It’s probably the
toughest negotiation anywhere in the world of any
kind. OK? But it doesn’t help if I start saying, “I
am very pro-Israel, very pro, more than anybody on
this stage.” But it doesn’t do any good to start
demeaning the neighbors, because I would love to do
something with regard to negotiating peace, finally,
for Israel and for their neighbors.
“And I
can’t do that as well – as a negotiator, I cannot do
that as well if I’m taking … sides.”
That is
nothing short of remarkable, especially if one
recalls the Mitt Romney-Barack Obama debate in
which both competed with the other in proclaiming
their absolute fealty to Israel and their refusal to
even recognize that there are two sides to the
issue. Marco Rubio was outraged by this
unprecedented display of common sense, and launched
into one of his robo-responses, repeating
word-for-word some editorial he’d probably read in
Commentary or the Weekly Standard. And
in the course of it he said something remarkably
stupid: “The Palestinians are not a real estate
deal, Donald.”
Now one
assumes he meant the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
isn’t about a real estate deal, but the reality is
that’s precisely what it is – a real estate
deal gone bad. It’s all about land. And it will take
fair-minded negotiating and – yes – deal-making
to solve that festering problem. Rubio cannot
acknowledge this because
his donors won’t let him. As a creature of
Imperial Washington – where Israel is always right
and the Palestinians are always wrong – Rubio can’t
allow himself to say or even think that.
Another
example of why Trump has roused the ire of the
political class: in refuting Rubio’s misleading
accusation that he did not change his position in
August 2011 and come out publicly against the Libyan
intervention and starting another war in Syria –
both of which he has denounced in no uncertain terms
– Trump said this:
“If
these politicians went to the beach and didn’t do a
thing, and we had Saddam Hussein and if we had
Gadhafi in charge, instead of having terrorism all
over the place, we’d be – at least they killed
terrorists, all right?
“And I’m
not saying they were good because they were bad,
they were really bad, but we don’t know what we’re
getting. You look at Libya right now, ISIS, as we
speak, is taking over their oil. As we speak, it’s a
total mess.
“We
would have been better off if the politicians took a
day off instead of going into war.”
I bolded
the above because it succinctly sums up not only the
Trumpian foreign policy but also Trump’s critique of
the past twenty years. And to make things even
scarier for the War Party, he wants us to pull back
from policing the world to attend to business that
must be attended to:
“We can
no longer defend all of these countries, Japan,
Germany, South Korea. You order televisions, you
order almost anything, you’re getting it from these
countries. Whether it’s a Mercedes-Benz, or whether
it’s an air conditioning unit. They’re coming out of
these countries. They are making a fortune. Saudi
Arabia, we are defending Saudi Arabia. Before Before
the oil went down, now they’re making less, but
they’re making plenty. They were making $1 billion
dollars a day.
“We
defend all of these countries for peanuts. You talk
about budgets. We have to start getting reimbursed
for taking care of the military services for all of
these countries.”
Trump has
called for pulling US troops out of Europe, where
they’ve been sitting since the end of World War II:
these countries are rich,
he argues, and have to start defending
themselves. He also questions what they have to be
afraid of in Putin’s Russia, declaring he could
get along with the Russian leader, with the
implicit assumption being they could too.
Indeed,
Trump challenges every major new American incursion
into regions where it doesn’t belong:
Syria, where he wonders why we’re subsidizing
“rebels” and “we don’t’ know who they are”;
Ukraine, which he disdains as simply a backwater
where we have no interests; and Libya, where he
points to the chaos caused by Hillary’s war and
where we’re
getting ready to revisit.
Trump
represents a deadly challenge to the high command of
the War Party – the neoconservatives who lied us
into war in Iraq – and were
called out for it by him. These people are the
main driving force that is ideologically committed
to maintaining Washington’s imperial pretensions
even as we plunge further into bankruptcy. They are
behind the vicious smear campaign that equates Trump
with Mussolini, Hitler, David Duke, and the Devil
himself. They see that they are losing control of
the GOP – their pathway to power – and they are
reacting like the cornered rats they are.
If Trump
gets the Republican nomination the neocons are
through as a viable political force on the Right.
That’s why National Review devoted a whole
issue of their magazine to the theme “Against
Trump.” That’s why the neocons’ allies in the media
are going after him hammer and tongs. That’s why
neocons like Robert Kagan are
openly declaring they will support Hillary
Clinton, while others – including the formerly
libertarian network of organizations funded by
Charles and David Koch – are financing a “Stop
Trump” campaign. There is even talk of the
(impractical) idea of running a third party
candidate in order to take votes away from Trump.
The rats
are converging, squealing up a storm of abuse, and
resorting to the most obvious smear tactics in order
to keep their bread-and-butter on the table. Yet
this, too, will backfire, just as all the other
attempts to stop Trump have flopped – because people
have had enough. They are beyond angry – indeed,
they’re happy! Overjoyed by the sight of the
political class on the run – and determined to make
them run even faster.
I hear
Trump wears a bullet-proof vest, and has done so for
years. If I were him I’d guard my head – and watch
my back.
This is not
to say I personally give one iota of political
support to Trump – and Antiwar.com doesn’t
endorse candidates for any office, period. David
Stockman’s piece, linked above, describes some of
the pitfalls of Trumpismo, which I fully
endorse. Yet that is not my purpose here.
My job is
to analyze current events: instead of reiterating
what everyone else is saying, albeit in different
words, my purpose is to get behind the headlines and
go beyond the groupthink so that my readers can not
only understand what is happening in the world – but
also develop some insight into how to go about
changing it. If Trump secures the nomination, the
way is paved for transforming the GOP from the party
of perpetual war to the party that honors the
long-forgotten “isolationist” Sen. Robert A. Taft,
who used to be celebrated as "Mr. Republican." And
if Trump actually wins the White House, the
military-industrial complex is finished, along with
the globalists who dominate foreign policy circles
in Washington. While Trump is no libertarian, the
effect of this sea-change in the foreign policy
realm will be to objectively cut the dominance of
federal power in our lives, first of all by saving
us from bankruptcy and freeing up resources for the
private sector, and secondly by reducing the
blowback that has empowered terrorists.
Don’t be
fooled: GOP bigwigs aren’t afraid Trump will lose to
Hillary. They’re afraid he’ll win.
Trump, for
all his crudity and contradictions, represents a
populist uprising against the Empire and those who
profit from our imperialist foreign policy. That’s
why the political class hates him – and has vowed to
destroy him.
I started
out telling you the story of the lion and the sheep,
and I end with the good news that the sheep –
inspired by the lion – are finally turning on the
sheepherders.
Justin Raimondo is the editorial director of
Antiwar.com, and a senior fellow at the Randolph
Bourne Institute. He is a contributing editor at
The American
Conservative, and writes a monthly column
for Chronicles. He is the author of
Reclaiming the American Right: The Lost
Legacy of the Conservative Movement [Center
for Libertarian Studies, 1993; Intercollegiate
Studies Institute, 2000], and An Enemy of
the State: The Life of Murray N. Rothbard
[Prometheus Books, 2000]. |