How US
Helps Al Qaeda in Yemen
The Obama administration, eager to assuage Saudi
Arabia’s anger over the Iran nuclear deal and the
failure to achieve “regime change” in Syria, has
turned a blind eye to Riyadh’s savaging of Yemen,
even though that is helping Al Qaeda militants
expand their territory.
By Jonathan Marshall
February 25,
2016 "Information
Clearing House"
- "Sputnik
" - For
nearly a year, the Obama administration has
turned a blind eye to the humanitarian
catastrophe in Yemen since Saudi Arabia invaded in
March 2015 to crush an Iranian-supported insurgency
and restore a discredited former president to power.
But Washington cannot so easily ignore the rapid
resurgence of a dangerous branch of Al Qaeda that is
thriving on the chaos to take control of much of
southern Yemen.
The
war between indigenous Houthi rebels and
Saudi-backed supporters of former President Abd
Rabbuh Mansur Hadi has
cost more than 6,000 lives and caused more than
35,000 casualties.
What a
United Nations report called “widespread
and systematic” attacks against civilians by
Saudi and Gulf emirate pilots, armed with U.S.-made
aircraft and
cluster bombs that are banned by international
treaty, account for the bulk of civilian deaths and
for the wholesale destruction of
ancient cities and cultural centers.
In
addition, a Saudi-imposed blockade on Yemen,
supported by Washington, has allowed only a
trickle of relief supplies to reach the country,
putting millions of people at risk of starvation.
In the
midst of this Hobbesian nightmare, militant
followers of Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP)
militants are making a rapid comeback after being
crippled in 2012.
Recently
seizing numerous towns, including two provincial
capitals, AQAP now dominates much of three
provinces. And a
new report suggests that AQAP insurgents are
fighting alongside pro-Saudi forces in a savage
battle for control of the large city of Taiz,
northwest of the port of Aden.
As
Jane’s Intelligence Weekly
reported to its clients recently, “Exploiting a
persistent security vacuum and the absence of
effective state institutions, AQAP is in the process
of asserting itself as the dominant actor across
much of southern Yemen. The territory currently
controlled by AQAP is larger than the area it held
in 2011, when the group’s area of control reached
its peak” during a popular rising against former
President Ali Abdullah Saleh.
A merger of
Al Qaeda groups in Yemen and Saudi Arabia formed
AQAP in January 2009. AQAP’s predecessors in Yemen
had bombed the USS Cole in 2000, killing 17 U.S.
seamen. Its Saudi members killed nearly two dozen
oil field workers during the infamous Khobar
massacre in 2004.
Former
Secretary of State Hillary Clinton
formally designated AQAP as a terrorist
organization in December 2009 — 11 days before a
supporter of the group tried to blow up a U.S.
passenger jet headed for Detroit on Christmas Day,
with a bomb sewn into his underwear.
The
following year, CIA officials concluded that AQAP
was the
single most urgent threat to U.S. security,
surpassing all other Al Qaeda branches, owing to its
ongoing determination to hit American targets.
The group has
vowed to damage the U.S. economy and “bring down
America” by mounting small-scale attacks to
capitalize on the U.S. “security phobia.” It also
took credit for the January 2015 terrorist
attack on the French newspaper Charlie Hebdo,
which killed a dozen people.
Within
Yemen, AQAP has also proved formidable. In May 2012,
a single suicide bomber killed more than 120 people
and wounded 200 during a military parade. A month
later, it killed 73 civilians with newly planted
land mines. An attack on the country’s defense
ministry in December 2013 left at least 56 dead.
The
movement was severely weakened by a Yemeni
government offensive in 2012 and an intense campaign
of drone strikes ordered by the White House. Among
the controversial targets were several U.S.
citizens, including the prominent imam Anwar
al-Awlaki, who
reportedly inspired not only the Christmas 2009
“underwear bomber” and Charlie Hebdo
terrorists but the Fort Hood shooter and even the
Boston Marathon bombers. (Two weeks later, another
strike killed Awlaki’s son, also a U.S. citizen,
though the U.S. government said he was not the
target.) In April 2014, two days of “massive
and unprecedented” air strikes in southern Yemen
reportedly killed dozens more militants — along
with at least several civilians.
But taking
advantage of the chaos caused by Saudi Arabia’s
invasion in March 2015, AQAP mobilized quickly to
strike back. That April it conquered the southern
port town of Al Mukalla, which allowed jihadists to
loot the central bank branch of
more than $120 million, seize an oil terminal
and major weapons depot, and
free hundreds of inmates from the city’s prison.
Through clever coalition building,
AQAP members allied with local Sunni tribal leaders
to provide security and essential services, winning
support from residents.
Last
December, AQAP seized the capital of Abyan province
near the main port city of Aden. Soon its militants
staged a blitzkrieg that
seized five towns in a mere two weeks. In the
process AQAP managed to
link up its forces across much of southern Yemen
from Lahij near the Red Sea east to Al Mukalla.
Like followers of Islamic State,
AQAP jihadists are now pressing their attacks
against government forces in Aden, where they
recently
killed a general who commanded regional
operations.
“The group
may well be reconstructing the quasi-state it ruled
at the height of its power in 2011 and 2012,”
commented Katherine Zimmerman of the Critical
Threats Project at the American Enterprise
Institute. “AQAP is becoming an ever-more serious
threat to American national security, and no one is
doing much about it.”
Even
allowing for the usual threat inflation from this
prominent neoconservative sanctuary, the fact
remains that AQAP is successfully exploiting the
turmoil of civil war to make significant territorial
gains. It has proven adept at governing and is often
welcomed by a population that deeply resents the
violence brought to Yemen by Houthi insurgents and
their Saudi-backed enemies.
Meanwhile,
U.S. air strikes against AQAP have accomplished
little or nothing. As The Long War Journal
observed recently, “Although AQAP has lost
several key leaders in American drone strikes since
early 2015, this has not slowed al Qaeda’s guerrilla
war. . . . Not only has AQAP continued to gain
ground, it also quickly introduced new leaders to
serve as public faces for the organization.”
Events in
Yemen are reaffirming a lesson that should have been
learned in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya and Syria: Civil
wars breed vicious killers who thrive on conflict
and jump from battlefield to battlefield with the
help of modern technology and zealous supporters.
American intervention in those civil wars invariably
blows back against us.
By
contributing to Yemen’s failure as a state,
Washington is creating fertile ground for the
renewed growth of anti-American terrorism there. The
White House may not care much about the overall
havoc wreaked by the Yemen war — as evidenced by
its extensive support for Saudi Arabia’s war crimes
— but it should be under no illusion that Fox News
and Republican members of Congress will go easy when
the next terrorist attack by AQAP kills Americans at
home or abroad.
Jonathan Marshall is author or co-author of five
books on international affairs, including The
Lebanese Connection: Corruption, Civil War and the
International Drug Traffic (Stanford
University Press, 2012). Some of his previous
articles for Consortiumnews were “Risky
Blowback from Russian Sanctions”; “Neocons
Want Regime Change in Iran”; “Saudi
Cash Wins France’s Favor”; “The
Saudis’ Hurt Feelings”; “Saudi
Arabia’s Nuclear Bluster”; “The
US Hand in the Syrian Mess”; and
“Hidden
Origins of Syria’s Civil War.” ] |