I
Won’t Vote for Bernie Sanders:
His
feeble position on Israel is a serious progressive
problem
Bernie has run a smart campaign and I admire his
economic platform. But his foreign policy lacks
moral vision
By Steven Salaita
February 15, 2016 "Information
Clearing House"
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"Salon"
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Bernie Sanders
has run a smart and spirited campaign. Even if he
eventually loses the Democratic primary, his rise
from virtually nowhere to threaten Hillary Clinton
from the left offers much-needed optimism in a time
of dismal inequality. His invective against Wall
Street is accurate and often courageous. He is the
rare candidate who doesn’t traffic in patriotic or
religious platitudes.
But I
won’t be voting for him.
Sanders has
long supported Israeli colonization, including the
worst elements of its military occupation. I’ve had
numerous arguments with friends about the extent and
character of that support. Is it fair to call
Sanders an adamant Zionist? Is he a Zionist at all?
Does it even matter? How bad is he, really, in the
spectrum of U.S. politics, where kowtowing to Israel
has long been a prerequisite for the presidency?
We learn
useful things about Sanders’s positions on Israel in
relation to his competition, but comparison is
unnecessary. Sanders periodically comments on
Israel-Palestine. Here’s what we know: He’s not a
raging ideologue. He doesn’t extol Israel. He hasn’t
kissed Netanyahu’s ring. He recently
declined to call himself a Zionist. Last year,
though, he yelled at pro-Palestine activists and his
platform on Israel-Palestine sounds agreeable
but reproduces a failed status quo.
Sanders
also has
a record of funding or rationalizing terrible
violence. We shouldn’t whisk away that record. It’s
a material example of Sanders’s performance as a
senator and has direct consequences on the lives of
millions in the Middle East.
Supporters
of Sanders say he’s not that bad, certainly not as
bad as most contemporaries. This statement has no
universal veracity. Sanders may not be bad according
to a particular standard, but one cannot proffer
this claim without subsuming Palestinians to an
arbitrary pragmatism. Comments like “he’s not that
bad” or “he’s better than most” are value judgments
that shouldn’t be divorced from dynamic contexts of
power and perspective. Those value judgments shift
according to conviction, point of view, and
geography.
Consider
those who suffer the brutality of the Israeli
military occupation Sanders has funded. In what way
would they make sense of the notion that Sanders is
worthy of support because he’s better than other
politicians who fund their suffering?
When we’re
asked to be pragmatic, the first question should be,
“Pragmatic according to whose interests?” The second
question should be, “Who determines the conditions
of pragmatism?” Just because sucking up to Israel is
a compulsion for politicians doesn’t mean it should
be compulsory for voters. To say that we must accept
a presidential candidate’s adulation of Israel for
pragmatic reasons is to reinforce the normative
power of Zionism. And to dismiss Sanders’s record on
Israel as unimportant is to devalue Palestinian
life.
Supporting
Israel—by which I mean an unwillingness to criticize
its ethnocratic structure—often sounds abstract. We
do well to remember that human beings experience
tremendous harm because of American economic and
military aid to Israel. Thousands remain hungry and
homeless in the Gaza Strip. Millions endure the
daily indignities of life as occupied subjects.
Refugees cannot return to their ancestral land.
Children sustain psychological trauma. It is, in
all, an ugly situation made worse by the cowardice
of American politicians.
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