The U.S.
Intervention in Libya Was Such a Smashing Success
That a Sequel Is Coming
By Glenn
Greenwald
January 28,
2016 "Information
Clearing House"
-
"The
Intercept " -
The
immediate aftermath of the NATO bombing of Libya was
a time of
high
gloating. Just as Iraq War advocates pointed to
the capture and killing of Saddam Hussein as proof
that their war was a success, Libya war advocates
pointed to the capture and brutal killing of Muammar
el-Qaddafi as proof of their vindication. War
advocates such as
Anne-Marie Slaughter and
Nicholas Kristof were writing columns
celebrating their prescience and mocking war
opponents as discredited, and the New York Times
published
a front-page article declaring: “U.S. Tactics in
Libya May be a Model for Other Efforts.” It was
widely expected that Hillary Clinton, one of the
leading advocates for and architects of the bombing
campaign, would be regarded as a Foreign Policy
Visionary for the grand Libya success: “We came, we
saw, he died,” Clinton
sociopathically boasted about the mob
rape and murder of Qaddafi while guffawing on
60 Minutes.
Since then,
Libya — so predictably — has all but completely
collapsed, spending years now drowning in
instability, anarchy, fractured militia rule,
sectarian conflict, and violent extremism. The
execution of Saddam Hussein was no vindication of
that war nor a sign of improved lives for Iraqis,
and the same was true for the
mob killing of Qaddafi. As I
wrote the day after Qaddafi fled Tripoli and
Democratic Party loyalists were prancing around in
war victory dances: “I’m genuinely astounded at the
pervasive willingness to view what has happened in
Libya as some sort of grand triumph even though
virtually none of the information needed to make
that assessment is known yet, including: how many
civilians have died, how much more bloodshed will
there be, what will be needed to stabilize that
country, and, most of all, what type of regime will
replace Qaddafi? … When foreign powers use military
force to help remove a tyrannical regime that has
ruled for decades, all sorts of chaos, violence,
instability, and suffering — along with a slew of
unpredictable outcomes — are inevitable.”
But
the much bigger question was when (not if, but when)
the instability and extremism that predictably
followed the NATO bombing would be used to justify a
new U.S.-led war — also exactly
as happened in Iraq. Back in 2012, I
asked the question this way:
How
much longer will it be before we hear that
military intervention in Libya is (again)
necessary, this time to control the anti-US
extremists who are now armed and empowered by
virtue of the first intervention? U.S. military
interventions are most adept at ensuring that
future U.S. military interventions will always
be necessary.
We now have
our answer,
from the New
York Times:
Worried
about a growing threat from the Islamic State in
Libya, the United States and its allies are
increasing reconnaissance flights and
intelligence collecting there and preparing for
possible airstrikes and commando raids, senior
American policy makers, commanders and
intelligence officials said this week. … “It’s
fair to say that we’re looking to take decisive
military action against ISIL in conjunction with
the political process” in Libya, [Joint Chiefs
of Staff Chairman General Joseph] Dunford said.
“The president has made clear that we have the
authority to use military force.”
Just as
there was no al Qaeda or ISIS to attack in Iraq
until the U.S. bombed its government, there was no
ISIS in Libya until NATO bombed it. Now the U.S. is
about to seize on the effects of its own bombing
campaign in Libya to justify an entirely new bombing
campaign in that same country. The New York
Times editorial page, which
supported the original bombing of Libya,
yesterday labeled plans for the new bombing
campaign “deeply troubling,” explaining: “A new
military intervention in Libya would represent a
significant progression of a war that could easily
spread to other countries on the continent.” In
particular, “this significant escalation is being
planned without a meaningful debate in Congress
about the merits and risks of a military campaign
that is expected to include airstrikes and raids by
elite American troops” (the original Libya bombing
not only took place without Congressional approval,
but was ordered by Obama after Congress rejected
such authorization).
This was
supposed to be the supreme model of Humanitarian
Intervention. It achieved vanishingly
few humanitarian benefits, while causing massive
humanitarian suffering, because —
as usual — the people who executed the
“humanitarian” war (and most who cheer-led for it)
were interested only when the glories of bombing and
killing were flourishing but cared little for actual
humanitarianism (as evidenced by their almost
complete indifference to the aftermath of their
bombing). As it turns out, one of the few benefits
of the NATO bombing of Libya will redound to the
permanent winners in the private-public axis that
constitutes the machine of Endless Militarism:
It provided a pretext for another new war.
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