The Great
Forgetting
By Chris Hedges
January 11,
2016 "Information
Clearing House"
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"Truth
Dig" -
America’s
refusal to fund and sustain its intellectual and
cultural heritage means it has lost touch with its
past, obliterated its understanding of the present,
crushed its capacity to transform itself through
self-reflection and self-criticism, and descended
into a deadening provincialism. Ignorance and
illiteracy come with a cost. The obsequious worship
of technology, hedonism and power comes with a cost.
The primacy of emotion and spectacle over wisdom and
rational thought comes with a cost. And we are
paying the bill.
The
decades-long assault on the arts, the humanities,
journalism and civic literacy is largely complete.
All the disciplines that once helped us interpret
who we were as a people and our place in the
world—history, theater, the study of foreign
languages, music, journalism, philosophy,
literature, religion and the arts—have been
corrupted or relegated to the margins. We have
surrendered judgment for prejudice. We have created
a binary universe of good and evil. And our colossal
capacity for violence is unleashed around the globe,
as well as on city streets in poor communities, with
no more discernment than that of the blinded giant
Polyphemus. The marriage of ignorance and force
always generates unfathomable evil, an evil that is
unseen by perpetrators who mistake their own
stupidity and blindness for innocence.
“We are in
danger of forgetting, and such an oblivion—quite
apart from the contents themselves that could be
lost—would mean that, humanly speaking, we would
deprive ourselves of one dimension, the dimension of
depth in human existence,”
Hannah Arendt wrote. “For memory and depth are
the same, or rather, depth cannot be reached by man
except through remembrance.”
Those few
who acknowledge the death of our democracy, the
needless suffering inflicted on the poor and the
working class in the name of austerity, and the
crimes of empire—in short those who name our present
and past reality—are whitewashed out of the public
sphere. If you pay homage to the fiction of the
democratic state and the supposed “virtues” of the
nation, including its right to wage endless imperial
war, you get huge fees, tenure, a television perch,
book, film or recording contracts, grants and
prizes, investors for your theater project or praise
as an pundit, artist or public intellectual. The
pseudo-politicians, pseudo-intellectuals and
pseudo-artists know what to say and what not to say.
They offer the veneer of criticism—comedians such as
Stephen Colbert do this—without naming the cause of
our malaise. And they are used by the elites as
attack dogs to discredit and destroy genuine
dissent. This is not, as James Madison warned, the
prologue to a farce or a tragedy; we are living both
farce and tragedy.
“The
withdrawal of intellectuals from political concerns
is itself a political act,” sociologist
C. Wright Mills wrote. “Which is to say that it
is at best a pseudo-withdrawal. To withdraw from
politics today can only mean ‘in intent’; it cannot
mean ‘in effect.’ For its effect is to serve
whatever powers prevail, even if only by distracting
public attention from them. Such attempts may be the
result of fear or fashion; or of sincere
conviction—induced by success. Regardless of the
motive, the attempted withdrawal means to become
subservient to prevailing authorities and to allow
the meaning of one’s own work to be determined, in
effect, by other men.”
Amid the
swelling disparity between reality and reality as
the corporate state seeks to have it portrayed, the
idiocy and mendacity of the elites and their
courtiers grow more ludicrous. The institutions that
educated the public and fostered the common good are
even more fiercely attacked, defunded and rendered
anemic. The dumbing down of the country—fed by the
crippling of the safe spaces where ideas, dissent
and creativity could be expressed, where structures
and assumptions could be questioned—accelerates.
Presidential candidate Donald Trump may be boorish,
narcissistic, stupid, racist and elitist, but he
does not have Hillary Clinton’s carefully honed and
chilling amoral artifice. It was she, and an
ethically bankrupt liberal establishment, that
created the fertile ground for Trump by fleecing the
citizens on behalf of corporations and imposing the
neoliberal project. If she is elected, Trump may
disappear, but another Trump-like figure, probably
even more frightening, will be vomited up from our
cultural and political sewer.
Trump and
Clinton, along with fellow candidate Bernie Sanders,
refuse to admit what they know: Our most basic civil
and political rights have been taken from us, the
corporate oligarchy will remain entrenched in power
no matter who wins the presidency, and elections are
a carnival act. The downward spiral of lost jobs and
declining incomes, of shredded civil liberties, of
endless war, is unstoppable as long as we use the
traditional mechanisms of reform, including
elections, to try to cope with the existential
threat we face. A vote for Clinton, in essence, is a
vote for Trump or someone as bad as Trump.
Right-wing populism, here and in Europe, is not the
product of an individual but the disenfranchisement,
rage and despair stemming from the damage caused by
globalization. And until we wrest back control
of our destiny by breaking corporate power,
demagogues like Trump, and his repugnant
doppelgangers in Europe, will proliferate.
The
institutions that make possible wisdom, knowledge,
self-criticism and transcendence are in ruins.
Public radio and public television, created to give
a voice to those not beholden to the elites, are now
echo chambers for the privileged and the powerful.
The arts, like public broadcasting a victim of
massive cuts by government, have descended to the
lowest common denominator. Symphony orchestras are
closing along with libraries. Music and art have
been removed from school curriculums. Theater, along
with the film industry, has been taken over by
corporations such as Disney. Audiences on Broadway
and in movie houses participate in exorbitantly
priced forms of escapism that, at their core,
celebrate American power and narcissism.
There was a
time, a few decades ago, when the work and thought
of intellectuals and artists mattered. Writers and
social critics such as Mills, Dwight Macdonald,
James Baldwin, Martin Luther King Jr., Malcolm X,
Noam Chomsky, Susan Sontag, Mary McCarthy, Ralph
Nader, Howard Zinn and
Jane Jacobs wrote for and spoke to a broad
audience. Authors William Faulkner, F. Scott
Fitzgerald, Richard Wright, Ralph Ellison, Flannery
O’Connor, Gore Vidal, Toni Morrison, Ken Kesey,
Russell Banks and Norman Mailer, along with
playwrights such as Eugene O’Neill, Arthur Miller,
Lorraine Hansberry, Tennessee Williams, August
Wilson, David Mamet,
Ntozake Shange, Sam Shepard, Marsha Norman,
Edward Albee and Tony Kushner, held up a mirror to
the nation. And it was not a reflection many people
wanted to see. Orson Welles and Stanley Kubrick in
film, Allen Ginsberg and
Amiri Baraka in poetry, Bob Dylan, Curtis
Mayfield, Bruce Springsteen and Patti Smith in music
shook the social, cultural and political landscape.
These
artists and intellectuals, who did not cater to the
herd, were nationally known figures. They altered
our perceptions. They were taken seriously. They
sparked contentious debate, and the elites
attempted, sometimes successfully, to censor their
work. It is not that new independent, brilliant and
creative minds are not out there; it is that nearly
all of them—Tupac Shakur and
Lupe Fiasco having been two exceptions—are
locked out. And this has turned our artistic,
cultural and intellectual terrain into a
commercialized wasteland. I doubt that a young Bruce
Springsteen or a young Patti Smith, or even a young
Chomsky, all of whom exhibit the rare quality of
never having sold out the marginalized, the working
class and the poor, and who are not afraid of
speaking truths about our nation that others will
not utter, could today break into the corporatized
music industry or the corporatized university.
Sales, branding and marketing, even in academia,
overpower content.
T.S. Eliot,
seven decades ago, warned of a condition that now
enmeshes us. In his
“What Is a Classic?” address to the Virgil
Society in 1944 he argued that a civilization that
did not engage with its greatest artists and
intellectual traditions, that did not protect and
nurture its artistic and intellectual patrimony,
committed suicide.
“In our age,”
Eliot said, “when men seem more than ever prone to
confuse wisdom with knowledge, and knowledge with
information, and to try to solve problems of life,
in terms of engineering, there is coming into
existence a new kind of provincialism, not of space,
but of time; one for which history is merely the
chronicle of human devices which have served their
turn and been scrapped, one for which the world is
the property solely of the living, a property in
which the dead hold no shares. The menace of this
kind of provincialism is, that we can all, all the
peoples on the globe, be provincials together: and
those who are not content to be provincials, can
only become hermits.”
Chris
Hedges, spent nearly two decades as a foreign
correspondent in Central America, the Middle East,
Africa and the Balkans. He has reported from more
than 50 countries and has worked for The Christian
Science Monitor, National Public Radio, The Dallas
Morning News and The New York Times, for which he
was a foreign correspondent for 15 years.
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