The US-Russia Proxy War in Syria
The risk of Syria becoming a proxy war between the U.S. and Russia
became real last week when Turkey and Syrian jihadists used
U.S.-supplied weaponry to shoot down a Russian warplane and rescue
helicopter, killing two Russians, a danger that ex-CIA analyst Ray
McGovern explores.By Ray McGovern
December 01, 2015 "Information
Clearing House" - "Consortiumnews"
- Belatedly, at a sidebar meeting with Russian President Vladimir
Putin at the Paris climate summit on Monday, President Barack Obama
reportedly expressed regret for last week’s killing of a Russian
pilot who was shot down by a Turkish air-to-air missile fired by a
U.S.-supplied F-16 and the subsequent death of a Russian marine on a
search-and-rescue mission, apparently killed by a U.S.-made TOW
missile.
But Obama administration officials continued to
take the side of Turkey, a NATO “ally” which claims implausibly that
it was simply defending its air space and that the Russian pilot of
the SU-24 warplane had ignored repeated warnings. According to
accounts based on Turkish data, the SU-24 may have strayed over a
slice of Turkish territory for 17 seconds. [See Consortiumnews.com’s
“Facts
Back Russia on Turkish Attack.”]
Immediately after the incident on Nov. 24, Obama
offered
a knee-jerk justification of Turkey’s provocative action
which appears to have been a deliberate attack on a Russian warplane
to deter continued bombing of Syrian jihadists, including the
Islamic State and Al Qaeda’s Nusra Front. Turkey’s President Recep
Tayyip Erdogan, an Islamist, has supported various jihadists as his
tip of the spear in his goal to overthrow the secular regime of
Syrian President Bashar al-Assad.
In his first public comments about the Turkish
attack, Obama gracelessly asserted Turkey’s right to defend its
territory and air space although there was never any indication that
the SU-24 – even if it had strayed momentarily into Turkish air
space – had any hostile intentions against Turkey. Indeed, Turkey
and the United States were well aware that the Russian planes were
targeting the Islamic State, Al Qaeda’s Nusra Front and other
jihadist rebels.
Putin even complained, “We told our U.S. partners
in advance where, when at what altitudes our pilots were going to
operate. The U.S.-led coalition, which includes Turkey, was aware of
the time and place where our planes would operate. And this is
exactly where and when we were attacked. Why did we share this
information with the Americans? Either they don’t control their
allies, or they just pass this information left and right without
realizing what the consequences of such actions might be. We will
have to have a serious talk with our U.S. partners.”
Putin also suggested that the Turkish attack was
in retaliation for Russia’s bombing of a truck convoy caring Islamic
State oil to Turkey. On Monday, on the sidelines of the Paris
summit, Putin said Russia has “received additional information
confirming that that oil from the deposits controlled by Islamic
State militants enters Turkish territory on industrial scale.”
Turkey’s Erdogan — also in Paris — denied buying
oil from terrorists and vowed to resign “if it is proven that we
have, in fact, done so.”
Was Obama Angry?
In private, Obama may have been outraged by
Erdogan’s reckless actions – as some reports suggest – but, if so,
Obama seems publicly more afraid of offending the neocons who
dominate Official Washington’s opinion circles and who hold key
positions in his own administration, than of provoking a possible
nuclear confrontation with Russia.
On Nov. 24, even as Russian emotions were running
high – reacting to the killing of one Russian pilot and the death of
a second Russian marine killed after his helicopter was shot down
apparently by a U.S.-supplied TOW missile fired by Syrian jihadists
– Obama chose to act “tough” against Putin, both during a White
House press conference with French President Francois Holland and
later with pro-Turkish remarks from U.S. officials.
During the press conference after the Turkish
shoot-down and the deliberate fire from Turkish-backed Syrian
jihadists aiming at two Russian airmen as they parachuted to the
ground, Obama chose to make disparaging remarks about the Russian
president.
Obama boasted about the 65 nations in the U.S.-led
coalition against the Islamic State compared to Putin’s small
coalition of Russia and Iran (although Putin’s tiny coalition
appears to be much more serious and effective than Obama’s bloated
one, which includes countries such as Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Qatar
that have been implicated in supporting jihadist elements, including
Al Qaeda and the Islamic State).
By delivering these anti-Russian insults at such a
delicate time, Obama apparently was trusting that Putin would keep
his cool and tamp down public emotions at home, even as Obama lacked
the integrity and courage to stand up to neocon criticism from The
Washington Post’s editorial page or from some of his hawkish
subordinates.
The administration’s neocons who keep demanding an
escalation of tensions with Russia include Assistant Secretary of
State for European and Eurasian Affairs Victoria Nuland. Then, there
are the officials most identified with arms procurement, sales and
use, such as Defense Secretary Ashton Carter.
Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman Gen. Joseph Dunford
recently volunteered to Congress that U.S. forces “can impose a
no-fly zone” for Syria (a dangerous play advocated by presidential
candidate Hillary Clinton and Sen. John McCain). Dunford is the same
hawk who identified Russia as the “existential threat” to the U.S.
and said it would be “reasonable” to send heavy weapons to Ukraine
on Russia’s border.
Meanwhile, NATO commander Gen. Philip Breedlove
keeps up his fly-by-the-pants information warfare campaign citing
Russian “aggression,” “invasions” and plans to do still more evil
things. One is tempted to dismiss him as a buffoon; but he is the
NATO commander.
Lack of Control
It does not appear as though Obama has the same
degree of control over foreign and defense policy that Putin enjoys
in Moscow – or at least one hopes Putin can retain such control
since some hard-line Russian nationalists are fuming that Putin has
been too accommodating of his Western “partners.”
Perhaps the greatest danger from Obama’s
acquiescence to the neocons’ new Cold War with Russia is that the
neocon hopes for “regime change in Moscow” will be realized except
that Putin will be replaced by some ultra-nationalist who would
rather risk nuclear war than accept further humiliation of Mother
Russia.
Meanwhile, back in Washington, the U.S.
establishment is such that the generals, the arms manufacturers and
weapons merchants, the Defense Department, and most of Congress have
a very strong say in U.S. foreign policy – and Obama seems powerless
to change it.
The model of governing in Washington is a far cry
from Russia’s guiding principle of edinonachaliye – by
which one supreme authority is in clear control of decision-making
on defense and foreign policy.
Even when Obama promises, he often fails to
deliver. Think back to what Obama told then-President Dmitry
Medvedev when they met in Seoul in March 2012, about addressing
Russian concerns over European missile defense. In remarks picked up
by camera crews, Obama asked for some “space” until after the U.S.
election. Obama can be heard saying, “This is my last election.
After my election, I have more flexibility.”
Yet, even after winning reelection, Obama has
remained cowed by the influential neocons – even as he has bucked
some of their more aggressive demands, such as a massive U.S.
bombing campaign against Assad’s military in summer 2013 and
bomb-bomb-bombing Iran; instead, in 2014-15, Obama pushed for a
negotiated agreement to constrain Iran’s nuclear program.
Ideally, Obama should be able to show some
flexibility on Syria during his last year in office, but no one
should hold their breath. Obama appears to have deep fears about
crossing the neocons or Israel regarding what they want for the
Middle East and Eastern Europe.
Besides the neocons’ close ties to Israeli Prime
Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, the neocons are intimately connected to
the interests of the Military-Industrial Complex, which provides
substantial funding for the major think tanks where many neocons
hang their hats and churn out new arguments for more world conflict
and thus more military spending.
Unlike Obama, Pope Francis addressed this
fact-of-life head-on in his Sept. 24 address to members of the U.S.
Congress – many if not most of whom also are lavished with proceeds
from the arms trade and then appropriate still more funding for arms
production and sales.
“Why are deadly weapons being sold to those who
plan to inflict untold suffering,” Francis asked them face-to-face.
“Sadly, the answer, as we all know, is simply for money: money that
is drenched in blood, often innocent blood.”
An Old Epithet
From my days as a CIA analyst covering the Soviet
Union, I’m reminded of the epithet favored by the Soviet party daily
Pravda a few decades ago –“vallstreetskiye krovopitsiy”
– or Wall St. bloodsuckers. Propaganda-ish as that term seemed, it
turns out that Soviet media were not far off on that subject.
Indeed, the banks and corporations involved in
arms manufacture and sales enjoy immense power – arguably, more than
a president; unarguably more than Obama. The moneyed interests –
including Congress – are calling the shots.
The old adage “money makes the world go round” is
also apparent in Washington’s velvet-gloves treatment of the Saudis
and is nowhere better illustrated than in the continued suppression
of 28 pages of the 2002 Joint Congressional Inquiry on 9/11. Those
pages deal with the Saudi role in financing and supporting some of
the 9/11 hijackers, but both the Bush and Obama administrations have
kept those pages hidden for 13 years.
One reason is that the Saudis are the primary
recipients of the U.S. trade in weapons, for which they pay cash.
American manufacturers are selling the Saudis arms worth $100
billion under the current five-year agreement. Oddly, acts of
terrorism sweeten the pot. Three days after the attacks in Paris,
Washington and Riyadh announced a deal for $1.3 billion more.
And yet, neither Obama, nor any of the candidates
trying to replace him, nor Congress is willing to jeopardize the
arms trade by insisting that Riyadh call an abrupt halt to its
support for the jihadists fighting in Syria for fear this might
incur the wrath of the deep-pocket Saudis.
Not even Germany – already inundated, so far this
year, by a flood of 950,000 refugees, mostly from Syria – is willing
to risk Saudi displeasure. Berlin prefers to pay off the Turks with
billions of euros to stanch the flow of those seeking refuge in
Europe.
And so, an unholy alliance of Turkey, Saudi Arabia
and other Gulf states continues to fuel the war in Syria while Obama
pretends that his giant coalition is really doing the job of taking
on many of those same jihadists. But Obama’s coalition has been
woefully incompetent and indeed compromised, bumbling along and
letting the Islamic State seize more territory along with Al Qaeda
and its affiliates and allies.
Russia’s entry into the war in September changed
the equation because – unlike Obama’s grand coalition – Putin’s puny
coalition with Iran actually was serious about beating back the
jihadists and stabilizing Assad’s regime. Turkey’s shoot-down of the
Russian warplane on Nov. 24 was a crude message from Erdogan that
success in defeating the jihadists would not be tolerated.
As for the United States and Europe, myopia
prevails. None seems concerned that the terrorists whom they support
today will come back to bite them tomorrow. American officials,
despite their rhetoric and despite 9/11, seem to consider the
terrorist threat remote from U.S. shores – and, in any case, dwarfed
in importance by the lucrative arm sales.
As for the Vienna talks on Syria, the speed with
which they were arranged (with Iran taking part) raised expectations
now dampened. Last week, for example, Secretary of State John Kerry
bragged about how a meeting of “moderate” rebels is to convene “in
the next few weeks” to come up with principles for negotiating with
Syrian President Assad’s government. The convener? Saudi Arabia!
Obama knows what has to happen for this terrorist
threat to be truly addressed. The Saudis and Turks have to be told,
in no uncertain terms, to stop supporting the jihadists. But that
would require extraordinary courage and huge political – perhaps
even physical – risk. There is no sign that President Obama dares
bite that bullet.
Ray McGovern
works with Tell the Word, a publishing arm of the ecumenical Church
of the Saviour in inner-city Washington. He was a CIA analyst for 27
years, from the administration of John F. Kennedy to that of George
H. W. Bush. From 1981 to 1985, he prepared the
President’s Daily Brief,
which he briefed one-on-one to President Ronald Reagan’s five most
senior national security advisers.