‘Drone Papers’ Revelations Are a Cry for Ending
the SlaughterBy Marjorie Cohn
November 06, 2015 "Information
Clearing House" - A new whistleblower has
joined the ranks of Edward Snowden, Chelsea Manning, John Kiriakou
and other courageous individuals. The unnamed person, who chose to
remain anonymous because of the Obama administration’s vigorous
prosecution of whistleblowers, is a member of the intelligence
community.
In the belief that the American public has the right to know about
the “fundamentally” and “morally” flawed U.S. drone program, this
source provided The Intercept with a treasure trove of secret
military documents and slides that shine a critical light on the
country’s killer drone program. These files confirm that the Obama
administration’s policy and practice of assassination using armed
drones and other methods violate the law.
The documents reveal the “kill chain” that decides who will be
targeted. As the source said, “This outrageous explosion of
watchlisting—of monitoring people and racking and stacking them on
lists, assigning them numbers, assigning them ‘baseball cards,’
assigning them death sentences, without notice, on a worldwide
battlefield—it was, from the very first instance, wrong.”
These secret documents demonstrate that the administration kills
innumerable civilians due to its reliance on “signals intelligence”
in undeclared war zones, following cellphones or computers that may
or may not be carried by suspected terrorists. The documents show
that more than half the intelligence used to locate potential
targets in Somalia and Yemen was based on this method.
“It isn’t a surefire method,” the source observed. “You’re relying
on the fact that you do have all these powerful machines, capable of
collecting extraordinary amounts of data and intelligence,” which
can cause those involved to think they possess “godlike powers.”
“It’s stunning the number of instances when selectors are
misattributed to certain people,” the source noted, characterizing a
missile fired at a target in a group of people as a “leap of faith.”
The Obama administration has never provided accurate civilian
casualty counts. In fact, CIA director and former counterterrorism
adviser John Brennan falsely claimed in 2011 that no civilians had
been killed in drone strikes in nearly a year. In actuality, many
people who are not the intended targets of the strikes are killed.
“The Drone Papers” tell us the administration labels unidentified
persons who are killed in a drone attack “enemies killed in action,”
unless there is evidence posthumously proving them innocent. That
“is insane,” the source said. “But [the intelligence community has]
made ourselves comfortable with that.” The source added, “They made
the numbers themselves so they can get away with writing off most of
the kills as legitimate.”
The administration’s practice of minimizing the civilian casualties
is “exaggerating at best, if not outright lies,” according to the
source.
Since the U.S. is involved in armed conflict in Iraq and
Afghanistan, international humanitarian law—namely, the Geneva
Conventions—must be applied to assess the legality of targeted
killing. The Geneva Conventions provide that only combatants may be
targeted.
From January 2012 to February 2013, a campaign dubbed Operation
Haymaker was carried out in the Afghan provinces of Kunar and
Nuristan. According to “The Drone Papers,” during a five-month
period almost 90 percent of the people killed in airstrikes were not
the intended targets. This campaign paralleled an increase in drone
attacks and civilian casualties throughout Afghanistan. What’s more,
the campaign did not significantly degrade al-Qaida’s operations
there.
The U.S. is violating the right to life enshrined in the
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Because the
U.S. ratified this treaty, it constitutes binding domestic law under
the Supremacy Clause of the Constitution, which states, “Treaties
shall be the supreme law of the land.”
Under international humanitarian law, an “armed conflict” requires
the existence of organized armed groups engaged in fighting of
certain intensity. The groups must have a command structure, be
governed by rules, provide military training and have organized
acquisition of weapons, as well as communications infrastructure.
Legal scholars, including University of Cambridge professor
Christine Gray, have concluded that “the ‘war against Al-Qaeda’ does
not meet the threshold of intensity of a non-international armed
conflict, and Al-Qaeda does not meet the threshold of an organized
armed group.”
The U.S. is not involved in “armed conflict” in Pakistan, Yemen and
Somalia. Thus, the law enforcement model must be applied to assess
the legality of actions in those countries. This model limits the
use of lethal force to situations where there is an imminent threat
to life and nonlethal measures would be inadequate.
In 2013, as President Obama gave a speech at the National Defense
University, the administration released a fact sheet that said the
target must pose a “continuing, imminent threat to US persons”
before lethal force may be used. But Obama has waived the imminence
requirement in Pakistan.
Although a spokesperson for the National Security Council told The
Intercept that “those guidelines remain in effect today,” “The Drone
Papers” state that the target need only present “a threat to US
interest or personnel.” This is a far cry from an imminence
requirement. And once the president signs off on a target, U.S.
forces have 60 days to execute the strike. A 60-day period flies in
the face of the imminence mandate for the use of lethal force off
the battlefield.
Philip Alston, United Nations special rapporteur on extrajudicial,
summary or arbitrary executions, affirms that a targeted killing is
lawful only if required to protect life and no other means—such as
capture or nonlethal incapacitation—is available to protect life.
Besides being illegal, Obama’s preference for killing instead of
apprehension prevents the administration from gathering crucial
intelligence. Obama stated in 2013, “America does not take strikes
when we have the ability to capture individual terrorists; our
preference is always to detain, interrogate, and prosecute.” But
Michael Flynn, former head of the Defense Intelligence Agency, told
The Intercept, “We don’t capture people anymore.” Slides provided by
“The Drone Papers” source cite a 2013 study by the Pentagon’s
Intelligence, Surveillance, and Reconnaissance Task Force that said
“kill operations significantly reduce the intelligence available
from detainees and captured material.” The task force recommended
capture and interrogation rather than killing in drone strikes.
The American public is largely unaware of the high number of
civilian casualties from drone strikes. A study conducted by
American University professor Jeff Bachman concluded that both The
New York Times and The Washington Post “substantially
underrepresented the number of civilians killed in drone strikes in
Pakistan and Yemen, failed to correct the public record when
evidence emerged that their reporting was wrong and ignored the
importance of international law.”
Gregory McNeal, an expert on national security and drones at
Pepperdine School of Law, wrote that in Afghanistan and Iraq, “when
collateral damage [civilian casualties] did occur, 70 percent of the
time it was attributable to failed—that is,
mistaken—identification.”
“Anyone caught in the vicinity is guilty by association,” “The Drone
Papers” source notes. If “a drone attack kills more than one person,
there is no guarantee that those persons deserved their fate. … So
it’s a phenomenal gamble.”
Drones are Obama’s weapon of choice because they don’t result in
U.S. casualties. “It is the politically advantageous thing to do—low
cost, no U.S. casualties, gives the appearance of toughness,”
according to former Director of National Intelligence Dennis Blair.
“It plays well domestically, and it is unpopular only in other
countries. Any damage it does to the national interest only shows up
over the long term.” Part of the damage, as Flynn pointed out, is
that drones make the fallen into martyrs. They create “a new reason
to fight us even harder,” he said.
The United Nations charter’s mandate for peaceful resolution of
disputes and prohibition of military force except in self-defense is
not a pipe dream. A study by the Rand Corp. concluded that between
1968 and 2006, 43 percent of incidents involving terrorist groups
ended by a “peaceful political resolution with their government,” 40
percent “were penetrated and eliminated by local police and
intelligence agencies,” and only 7 percent were ended by the use of
military force.
Nevertheless, The Wall Street Journal reported that the military
plans to increase drone flights by 50 percent by 2019.
In describing how the special operations community views the
prospective targets for assassination by drone, “The Drone Papers”
source said, “They have no rights. They have no dignity. They have
no humanity to themselves. They’re just a ‘selector’ to an analyst.
You eventually get to a point in the target’s life cycle that you
are following them, you don’t even refer to them by their actual
name.” This results in “dehumanizing the people before you’ve even
encountered the moral question of ‘is this a legitimate kill or
not?’ ”
The American Civil Liberties Union has filed three lawsuits seeking
information about the government’s use of lethal drones. Rep. Keith
Ellison, co-chair of the Congressional Progressive Caucus, is
calling for increased transparency and congressional oversight of
the drone program. “The report makes it clear,” he noted, that “the
U.S. drone program operates on highly questionable legal ground and
offends our principles of justice.”
Drone pilots operate thousands of miles from their targets. But many
of them suffer from post-traumatic stress disorder. Some are
refusing to fly the drones. In September, the Air Force Times ran a
historic ad—paid for by 54 U.S. veterans and vets’
organizations—urging Air Force drone operators and other military
personnel to refuse orders to fly drone surveillance and attack
missions.
“The Drone Papers” source implores us to take action to stop this
travesty. “We’re allowing this to happen,” the source said. “And by
‘we,’ I mean every American citizen who has access to this
information now, but continues to do nothing about it.”
The newly released documents are a clarion call to us all to demand
that our government stop the killing. It is illegal, it is immoral,
and it makes us more vulnerable to terrorism.
Marjorie Cohn is a former president of the
National Lawyers Guild and a
professor at Thomas
Jefferson School of Law, where she teaches criminal law and
procedure, evidence, and international human rights law. She
lectures throughout the world on human rights and US foreign policy.