Leaked Emails From Pro-Clinton Group Reveal
Censorship of Staff on Israel, AIPAC Pandering, Warped Militarism
By Glenn GreenwaldNovember 05, 2015 "Information
Clearing House" - "The
Intercept" - LEAKED INTERNAL
EMAILS from the powerful Democratic think tank Center for
American Progress (CAP) shed light on several public controversies
involving the organization, particularly in regard to
its positioning on Israel. They reveal the lengths to which the
group has gone in order to placate AIPAC and long-time Clinton
operative and Israel activist Ann Lewis — including
censoring its own writers on the topic of Israel.
The emails also provide crucial context for
understanding CAP’s controversial decision to host an event next
week for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. That event,
billed by CAP as “A Conversation with Prime Minister Benjamin
Netanyahu,” will feature CAP President Neera Tanden and Netanyahu
together in a Q&A session as they explore “ways to strengthen the
partnership between Israel and the United States.” That a group
whose core mission is loyalty to the White House and the Democratic
Party would roll out the red carpet for a hostile Obama nemesis is
bizarre, for
reasons the Huffington Post laid out when it reported
on the controversy provoked by CAP’s invitation.
The emails, provided to The Intercept by a
source authorized to receive them, are particularly illuminating
about the actions of Tanden (right), a stalwart Clinton loyalist as
well as a former Obama White House official. They show Tanden and
key aides engaging in extensive efforts of accommodation in response
to AIPAC’s and Lewis’ vehement complaints that CAP is allowing
its writers to be “anti-Israel.” Other emails show Tanden arguing
that Libyans should be forced to turn over large portions of
their oil revenues to repay the U.S. for the costs incurred in
bombing Libya, on the grounds that Americans will support future
wars only if they see that the countries attacked by the U.S. pay
for the invasions.For years, CAP has
exerted massive influence in Washington through its ties to the
Democratic Party and its founder, John Podesta, one of
Washington’s most powerful political operatives. The group is
likely to become even more influential due to its deep and countless
ties to the Clintons. As the Washington Post’s Greg Sargent
put it earlier this year: CAP “is poised to exert outsized
influence over the 2016 president race and — should Hillary Clinton
win it — the policies and agenda of the 45th President of the United
States. CAP founder John Podesta is set to run Clinton’s
presidential campaign, and current CAP president Neera Tanden is a
longtime Clinton confidante and adviser.”
The recent CAP announcement of the Netanyahu event
has generated substantial confusion and even anger among Democratic
partisans. Netanyahu “sacrificed much of his popularity with the
Democratic Party by crusading against the Iran nuclear deal,” the Huffington
Post noted. Netanyahu has repeatedly treated the Obama White
House as a political enemy. Indeed, just today, Netanyahu
appointed “as his new chief of public diplomacy a conservative
academic who suggested President Obama was anti-Semitic and compared
Secretary of State John Kerry’s ‘mental age’ to that of a preteen.”
A core objective of Netanyahu’s trip to Washington
is to re-establish credibility among progressives in the post-Obama
era. For that reason, the Huffington Post reported, “the
Israeli government pushed hard for an invite to” CAP and “was joined
by [AIPAC], which also applied pressure to CAP to allow Netanyahu to
speak.”
The article quoted several former CAP staffers
angered by the group’s capitulation to the demands of the Israeli
government and AIPAC; said one: Netanyahu is “looking for that
progressive validation, and they’re basically validating a guy who
race-baited during his election and has disavowed the two-state
solution, which is CAP’s own prior work.” Matt Duss, a former
foreign policy analyst at CAP, said “the idea that CAP would agree
to give him bipartisan cover is really disappointing” since “this is
someone who is an enemy of the progressive agenda, who has targeted
Israeli human rights organizations throughout his term, and was
re-elected on the back of blatant anti-Arab race-baiting.” Yet
another former CAP staffer, Ali Gharib,
published an article in The Nation noting that
Netanyahu has all but formally aligned himself with the GOP,
writing: “That a liberal institution feels the need to kowtow to
AIPAC in a climate like this speaks volumes about either how out of
touch or how craven it can be.”
BUT
NONE OF THIS should be surprising. The Nation
previously investigated CAP’s once-secret list of
corporate donors, documenting how the group will abandon Democratic
Party orthodoxy whenever that orthodoxy conflicts with the interests
of its funders. That article noted that “Tanden ratcheted up the
efforts to openly court donors, which has impacted CAP’s work.
Staffers were very clearly instructed to check with the think tank’s
development team before writing anything that might upset
contributors.”
Since that article, CAP, to its credit, has
provided some greater transparency about its funding sources. As the Washington
Post’s Sargent
reported earlier this year, “CAP’s top donors include Walmart
and Citigroup,” and also “include the Pharmaceutical Research and
Manufacturers of America, which represents leading biotech and bio-pharma
firms, and Blue Cross Blue Shield Association.” Other large CAP
donors
include Goldman Sachs, the Embassy of the United Arab
Emirates, Bank of America, Google and Time Warner.
Still, many of its largest donors
remain concealed. That is disturbing because of persistent
reports that CAP manipulates and suppresses its own writers’
opinions to suit the interests of its donors. One former CAP staffer
described to The Intercept the not-so-subtle ways they were
pressured to abandon positions that offended CAP’s donors; the
staffer was directed to meet with corporate lobbyists who argued
against his progressive position on a widely debated political
controversy, and was told by CAP officials that his views were “bad”
and “unhelpful.”
But on Israel, CAP’s efforts to manipulate the
content of its publications are even more aggressive and overt.
Under Tanden, the group has repeatedly demonstrated it will go to
almost any length to keep AIPAC and its pro-Israel donors happy,
regardless of how such behavior subverts its pretense of independent
advocacy.
In 2012, a former AIPAC spokesman, Josh Block,
launched a campaign to brand several young, liberal writers at
CAP’s blog, ThinkProgress, as anti-Semites due to their
writings on Israel, Palestine and Iran. CAP and its writers were
widely vilified for what Ben Smith, then of Politico,
called deviations from “the bipartisan consensus on Israel,” and
for voicing “a heretical and often critical stance on Israel
heretofore confined to the political margins.” Among other
crimes, these CAP writers stood accused of failing to sufficiently
praise the Netanyahu government: “Warm words for Israel can be hard
to find on [CAP’s] blogs,” Smith noted.
Rather than stand behind its writers, top
CAP officials, led by Tanden, applied constant coercion to stifle
content upsetting to AIPAC. As Gharib, one of the vilified CAP
writers,
recounted last week, “CAP’s positions moving forward from the
attacks — including but not limited to virtually banishing
criticisms of Israel and Netanyahu from our writings and, in at
least one case, needlessly
censoring a piece after publication — were guided by how to
return to AIPAC’s good graces, often in coordination with AIPAC
itself.” Most of the CAP writers accused of Israel heresy were gone
from the organization within a short time thereafter, and several
have publicly revealed that they had been censored on matters
pertaining to Israel.
THESE
NEWLY PUBLISHED EMAILS reveal AIPAC-pleasing efforts far more
heavy-handed than previously known. On January 20, 2012 — at the
height of the controversy over ThinkProgress’ publications
on Israel — Tanden wrote an email to CAP founder John Podesta and
several of her top aides, including ThinkProgress editor
Judd Legum. In that email, Tanden recounted an angry call she
received from Ann Lewis who, among other D.C. roles,
served as the representative of Hillary Clinton’s 2008 campaign
on Jewish matters and is also
a
board member of Block’s hard-line group The Israel Project. The
email reflects the censorship demands being imposed on CAP over
Israel and how seriously Tanden was taking those demands:
That phone call was preceded by a rambling,
detailed email from Lewis to Tanden, describing the audit she
conducted of ThinkProgress’ output over several weeks about
Israel and identifying all of the offending material. “Ambassador
Michael Oren was called a liar in two posts,” complained Lewis, and
“there are regular criticisms of the Israeli government” but “no
mention of rocket attacks from Gaza.” (All of the leaked CAP emails
referenced in this article can be read here.)
Four days after Lewis’ angry phone call, two
ThinkProgress writers, Gharib and Eli Clifton, published
an investigation that exposed the funding sources behind a
controversial anti-Muslim film called “The Third Jihad,” which had
been used as training material by the NYPD. The film was produced by
a shadowy group calling itself The Clarion Fund, about which almost
nothing was known. Through outstanding shoe-leather reporting,
Gharib and Clifton revealed numerous ties between that group and
various Israeli settlers and other extremists.
Because it dared to discuss Israeli
activists, publication of this exposé provoked serious consternation
from Tanden, as this email exchange demonstrates. It begins with an
email from long-time Democratic Party operative Howard Wolfson,
formerly a top aide to Hillary Clinton and Chuck Schumer,
which provides a link to the piece with one simple message: “For the
love of god!” Tanden’s reply expressed concern about whether Israel
should have been included in the reporting:
Soon after their article was published, it was
severely censored. Virtually every reference to Israelis was simply
deleted. The neocon magazine Weekly Standard first
noticed the censorship and reveled in the success of
the campaign to force CAP to suppress Israel criticisms. “Somebody
at the Center for American Progress’ ThinkProgress realized
that what had been published was completely inappropriate. Within
what seems to have been a few hours, the post was scrubbed,” it
noted. “The good news is that there seems to be at least one grown
up at the Center for American Progress,” it proclaimed.
One of the article’s authors, Gharib, told The
Intercept that Tanden implemented a policy requiring that any
material about Israel was to receive special review from a
designated editor before being published. Gharib and Clifton did not
submit this particular article for special review in advance of
publication because it concerned only individual Israeli funders,
not Israel itself. That editor, however, went into the article hours
after it was published and deleted the references to Israelis. When
asked, CAP’s senior national security fellow
and then-chief-of-staff, Ken Gude, said he “does not recall this
specific incident.”
The website Mondoweiss, which had
trumpeted the importance of this Clarion Group report when it
was first published,
detailed the following day that “the piece originally contained
four explicit references to Israel. Now it contains only one, at the
end, an aside about Gingrich.” As Mondoweiss put it, “This
is a shocking effort to remove any description of the Israel lobby
from a major ideological and political undertaking.”
Shocking indeed. But it was all part of a larger
CAP effort to assure AIPAC and the likes of Ann Lewis that it would
not allow any meaningful criticisms of Israel to be voiced. In
a Washington Post article on the Josh Block-created
campaign against CAP, Gude groveled, reciting this loyalty
pledge: “The clear and overwhelming record of the literally hundreds
of articles and policy papers from the Center for American Progress
and ThinkProgress demonstrates our longstanding support
both for Israel and the two-state solution to the Middle East peace
process as being in the moral and national security interests of the
United States.”
CAP also denounced the language used by its
writers as “inappropriate” and boasted to the Post that
they deleted some of the tweets that were deemed offensive. And
after his article was censored, Gharib was told by a CAP editor that
he was to avoid criticizing American Jewish groups, such as AIPAC,
under any circumstances. When he asked whether this was a temporary
ban in light of the controversy or a permanent one — i.e., when he
could once again write about such groups — the editor told him: “For
AIPAC? Probably never.”
Less than two weeks after CAP criticized its own
writers to the Washington Post, the group’s top
officials celebrated that their censorship efforts and public
groveling seemed to be restoring them to AIPAC’s good graces. On
February 1, 2012 — exactly one week after publication of the heavily
censored post — Gude wrote an excited email to top CAP officials,
including Tanden. The subject was Gude’s meeting with AIPAC’s deputy
director of policy and government affairs, Jeff Colman, which Gude
gushed was “very positive.”
In light of “the steps we have taken” — the public
apologies, the censorship, the denouncing of CAP’s own writers —
AIPAC, said Gude, deemed that CAP “now was moving in the right
direction.” The AIPAC official singled out several CAP staffers for
praise, saying AIPAC now believes “CAP/AF is in good hands.” Gude
celebrated the rewards CAP was likely to receive for its good
behavior: “I bet we get a lot of invitations to attend” an upcoming
AIPAC event, Gude predicted. “And it’s very likely that I’m going to
Israel on one of their upcoming trips.”
The list of CAP employees who received the AIPAC
stamp of approval is telling indeed: “Jeff is a big fan of Rudy and
Brian.” “Rudy” is Rudy DeLeon, who, in addition to serving as a CAP
senior fellow and being a former Pentagon official, is now a member
of the board of directors of General Dynamics; he’s literally
being paid by weapons manufacturers as he helps manage CAP’s
positions. “Brian” is Brian Katulis, also a CAP senior fellow whose
“work focuses on U.S.
national security policy in the Middle East and South Asia”; he simultaneously
works as a senior adviser to the “strategic consulting” firm
Albright Stonebridge Group, “assisting clients with issues related
to the Middle East and South Asia.” Katulis was one of the
first to publicly distance CAP from the work of its own writers
on Israel. That
is who AIPAC demanded shape CAP’s positions, and that is exactly
what AIPAC got: people literally paid by the permanent corporate war
faction in Washington to promote its agenda and serve its interests.
Gude claims that when citing all the “steps” that
convinced AIPAC that CAP was “moving in the right direction,” he was
referring to
only one incident, namely: “We
were responding to a controversy that originated from a young
staffer’s use of his personal social media account. We instituted a
social media policy for the organization that asked staff to make
clear that their personal social media accounts represented their
own views and a reminder that even in that context, their social
media messages reflect on the organization.”
Notably, Tanden’s effort to suppress Israel
reporting began well before the anti-CAP public campaign was
launched. As one former CAP staffer recounted to The Intercept,
Tanden, almost immediately upon her return to CAP from the Obama
White House in late 2010, summoned senior staff to a meeting at
which she demanded to know why CAP was covering “Israel/Palestine.”
She said she understood that Israel was one of three issues — along
with “trade and guns” — that were “off the table” for CAP, and did
not understand why ThinkProgress was devoting coverage to
it. In response to questions for this article, CAP’s
Ken Gude denied that these topics were “off limits,” and cited
numerous posts published and events
hosted by the group on
those topics from
2012-2015 (after the reported
conversation with Tanden took place).
When told that the CAP blog had hired several
writers such as Matt Duss who specialized in that area, and that
CAP’s work was consistent with the Obama White House’s intention to
confront Israel on settlements, Tanden re-iterated her view that it
was not “constructive” for CAP to work on Israel, particularly in
such a critical manner. The subsequent public controversy aimed at
CAP, and the resulting censoring of its own writers, had its genesis
in Tanden’s pre-existing belief that Israel should be avoided.
GIVEN
ALL THIS, it is anything but surprising that ever since it rid
itself of its troublesome Israel heretics, CAP’s foreign policy
positions have been
hawkish in the extreme. One remarkable email exchange in
particular reveals the critical role played by Tanden in that
positioning. In October 2011, a CAP national security writer,
Benjamin Armbruster, circulated a discussion on CNN about whether
Libya should be forced to turn over its oil revenue to the U.S. as
compensation and gratitude for the U.S. having “liberated” Libya.
After one CAP official, Faiz Shakir, noted how
perverse it is to first bomb a poor country and then make it turn
over its revenues to you for doing so, Tanden argued that this made
a great deal of sense:
Tanden’s argument is quite similar to Donald
Trump’s
long-time stance about Iraqi oil: “I say we should take it and
pay ourselves back.” But Tanden’s twist on the argument — that
Americans will continue to support foreign wars only if they see the
invaded countries forced to turn over assets that the U.S. can use
to fund its own programs — is singularly perverse, as it turns the
U.S. military into some sort of explicit for-profit imperial force.
As Shakir put it in a subsequent email, that suggestion would “make
people start to think that our military is just for-hire to carry
out the agendas of other people.”
At first glance, CAP’s devotion to AIPAC and
Netanyahu may seem strange given that it is so plainly at odds with
the Obama White House’s interests. But CAP — like
so many leading D.C. think tanks with pretenses to objective
“scholarship” — has repeatedly proven that it prioritizes
servitude to its donors’ interests even over its partisan loyalties.
In the case of Israel and Netanyahu, there is an
even more significant factor at play: Tanden is far more of a
Clinton loyalist than an Obama loyalist, and a core strategy of the
Clinton campaign is to depict Hillary as supremely devoted to
Israel. Just last night, Clinton published
an op-ed in The Forward on Israel that is so extreme it
has to be read to be believed. Its core purpose is clear from its
headline and photo: to implicitly criticize Obama for being too
adversarial to Israel and Netanyahu, while vowing that she, as
president, will be the most stalwart Israel loyalist imaginable:
Clinton’s op-ed reads like the ultimate loyalty
oath: “I have stood with Israel my entire career. … As president, I
will continue this fight.” Moreover, she writes, “Netanyahu’s visit
to Washington on November 9 is an opportunity to reaffirm the
unbreakable bonds of friendship and unity between the people and
governments of the United States and Israel.” She vows: “I will do
everything I can to enhance our strategic partnership and strengthen
America’s security commitment to Israel, ensuring that it always has
the qualitative military edge to defend itself. That includes
immediately dispatching a delegation of the Joint Chiefs of Staff to
meet with senior Israeli commanders. I would also invite the Israeli
prime minister to the White House in my first month in office.”
There is not a peep of criticism about the Israeli
occupation or the violence it has used against Palestinians, though
the op-ed does harshly scold the occupied people: “Israelis have to
look over their shoulders during everyday tasks, like carrying
groceries and waiting for the bus. … This violence must not be
allowed to continue. It needs to stop immediately. … Many of us have
seen the video of a cleric encouraging worshippers to stab Jews as
he waves a knife in the air. This incitement needs to end, period,”
etc. etc.
In that context, CAP’s servitude to AIPAC and
pandering to Netanyahu makes all the sense in the world. It may
conflict with the Obama White House’s preferences, but it very
clearly serves its new primary goal: advancement of the Hillary
Clinton campaign.
Though Gude insists CAP did not communicate with
the Clinton campaign about the Netanyahu invitation, he acknowledges
that “the CAP board was informed and
[Clinton campaign head] John Podesta and [campaign official] Jose
Villarreal are members of the CAP board. They did not have a role in
making the decision to do the event.” Whatever else is true, as Clinton’s
op-ed last night makes clear, she has clearly adopted a strategy of
siding with Netanyahu and Israel over the Obama White House, and
CAP, with its characteristic subservience, is fully on board.
UPDATE: Tanden’s office
originally indicated she was traveling today and thus was unable to
respond to The Intercept‘s inquiries, but shortly after
publication of this article, CAP’s Daniella Leger provided this
comment about our questions about Tanden’s views on Libyan oil
revenues: “We’re a think tank, and we have internal discussions and
dialogues all the time on a variety of issues. We encourage throwing
out ideas to spur conversation and spark debate. We did not take a
position on this, but ThinkProgress
covered it. The posts certainly did not endorse the idea.”
Ironically, one of those ThinkProgress posts she
cited mockingly describes Michele Bachmann’s views which are
strikingly similar to the ones expressed by Tanden: “At
last night’s GOP presidential debate, Rep. Michele Bachmann (R-MN)
said Iraq and Libya should repay the U.S. for its war efforts in
those two countries.” The other link described how even Rick
Santorum condemned this oil-seizure idea – the one advocated by
Tanden and Bachmann – as immoral and counter-productive: “I think
that would send every possible wrong signal that America went to war
for oil,” said the right-wing former GOP Senator.