Seeing Syrian Crisis Through Russian Eyes
By Ray McGovernOctober 29, 2015 "Information
Clearing House" - "Consortiumnews"
- “To jaw-jaw is always better than to war-war,” as Sir Winston
Churchill put it at a White House luncheon on June 1954. The
aphorism applies in spades today as the U.S., Russia and other key
countries involved in troubles in Syria decide whether to jaw or to
war.
Russia’s recent military intervention in Syria
could open up new possibilities for those working for a negotiated
solution – or not. There does seem to be considerable overlap in
U.S. and Russian interests and objectives.
For instance, both sides say they want to suppress
terrorism, including the Islamic State (also known as ISIL, ISIS or
Daesh) and Al Qaeda’s affiliate, the Nusra Front, and both the U.S.
the Russia talk about the need for political reconciliation among
Syria’s disparate religious and ethnic groups. The chief
disagreement is over the future of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad,
whether he “must go,” as U.S. officials insist, or whether that
issue should be left to the ballots of the Syrian people, the view
favored by Russia.
Yet, what happens in the next week or so – whether
it turns out to be a belated “jaw-jaw” or an escalated “war-war” –
will have a significant effect on bilateral U.S.-Russian relations,
as well as developments in Syria, Iraq and the whole neighborhood,
which now includes Europe because of the destabilizing flow of
refugees.
So, I think it makes sense for me to undertake
what we did at some of the best moments inside the CIA’s analytical
branch: view a crisis from where the other side stood and thus
project how an adversary (or a friend) might react to a U.S.
initiative. A common trap in intelligence analysis is mirror-imaging
– assuming that others, whether adversaries or friends, look at
facts and intentions the same way we do.
It can be helpful to step into the other side’s
shoes and consider how its leaders are likely to see us. I make a
stab at that below.
In what follows, I imagine myself working within
Russia’s Foreign Intelligence Service (the SVR, Russia’s CIA
equivalent) in the analysis office responsible for preparing The
President’s Daily Brief for President Vladimir Putin. I further
imagine that his daily brief resembles what the U.S. Intelligence
Community prepares for the U.S. President. So, I pattern the item
below after the (now declassified) PDB for President George
W. Bush that – on Aug. 6, 2001 – famously warned him, “Bin Laden
Determined to Strike in U.S.” (In my paper, intelligence
assessments are presented in italics.)
The President’s Daily Brief
Oct. 28, 2015
Re Syria: Obama Trying to Fend Off US
Hawks
President Obama is under severe pressure from
senior military and intelligence officials and Congress to raise the
ante in Syria.
Yesterday’s Washington Post lead story,
sourced to unnamed U.S. officials, reported that Obama is
considering Pentagon proposals to “put U.S. troops closer to front
lines” in Iraq and Syria.
Diplomats at our embassy in Washington note that
this kind of story often reflects decisions already made and about
to be formally announced. In this particular case, however, the
embassy thinks it at least equally likely that the Post is
being used by officials who favor more aggressive military action,
in order to put pressure on the President. During Obama’s first year
in office, senior military leaders used the media to make it
extremely difficult for Obama to turn down leaked Pentagon proposals
to “surge” troops into Afghanistan.
Yesterday, Sen. John McCain, the Republican chair
of the Senate Armed Services Committee, used a Senate hearing to
ridicule administration policy on Syria and grill Defense Secretary
Ashton Carter and Joint Chiefs Chairman Gen. Joseph Dunford on the
policy’s embarrassing failings. Carter said attacks against ISIL in
Syria and Iraq would increase, including “direct action on the
ground.” But Dunford admitted, “The balance of forces now are in
Assad’s advantage.”
Facing heavy criticism for indecisiveness,
Obama still seems reluctant to put many more U.S. Army or “moderate
rebel” boots into the “quagmire” that he warned us against when we
began our airstrikes. He would also wish to avoid the kind of
destructive attacks that would pour still more Syrian refugees into
Europe.
We do not think occasional “direct action on
the ground” will change much. Indeed, a White House spokesman
reiterated yesterday that the administration has “no intention of
long-term ground combat.”
As for the “no-fly zone” advocated by McCain and
presidential candidate Hillary Clinton, Secretary Carter said, “We
have not made that recommendation to the President,” adding the
obligatory caveat, “He hasn’t taken it off the table.” Dunford
added, “From a military perspective, we can impose a no-fly zone.”
Diplomacy
We continue to believe that Obama prefers to
regard this past month’s events in Syria as an opportunity to bring
the main players to the negotiating table rather than the
battlefield.
Defense Secretary Carter called attention to talks
later this week in Vienna, in which Secretary of State John Kerry
will be engaged, that are “precisely aimed at the contours of [a]
political settlement.” The big news here is that Kerry has dropped
the U.S. objection to having Iran, a supporter of the Assad regime,
participate.
As for Kerry, unlike his behavior in late
summer 2013 and in early 2014, he seems to be following the
President’s instructions to negotiate an end to the conflict and to
the misery in Syria.
Emerging on Friday from contentious talks with the
Saudi and Turkish foreign ministers, as well as Foreign Minister
Lavrov, Kerry sounded a hopeful note: “Diplomacy has a way of
working through very difficult issues that seem to be absolutely
contradictory … but if we can get into a political process, then
sometimes these things have a way of resolving themselves.”
At the Senate hearing, Defense Secretary Carter
called for an early political transition in Syria, but was careful
to add, “The structures of the Syrian state are going to be
important to the future, and we don’t want them to dissolve
entirely. … The U.S. approach to removing Assad has been mostly a
political effort.”
At which point, Sen. Lindsey Graham, R-South
Carolina, a close ally of Sen. McCain, complained bitterly, “Assad
is as secure as the day is long,” adding, “you have turned Syria
over to Russia and Iran.”
The vitriol of McCain and Graham is no
surprise. We want to make sure you know something about a relatively
new player, JCS Chairman Joseph Dunford, who chose at his
confirmation hearing on July 9, 2015, to let the world know that he
is an unreconstructed Cold Warrior:
“If you want to talk about a nation that could
pose an existential threat to the United States, I’d have to point
to Russia,” Dunford said. “If you look at their behavior, it’s
nothing short of alarming.” Dunford added that he thought it
reasonable to send heavy weapons to Ukraine.
Dunford took up his new duties at an
inauspicious moment – the day after we began launching air strikes
against terrorist targets in Syria. Suffice it to say that, for the
U.S. military and CIA, October has been one of the most humiliating
months since the inglorious U.S. departure from Vietnam. It is
important to bear that in mind.
We think this serves to double the pressure on
President Obama to let loose the military on Syria and Iraq, as
pushed by most of the corporate media that are attacking Obama for
weakness and indecision. You will recall that he faced the same
challenge in August 2013, when he came very close to letting himself
be mouse-trapped into a major attack on Syria with U.S. forces.
A Special Danger
This time there is a new, quite delicate element
of which you need to be aware – the so-called “moderate” rebels whom
the U.S. (primarily the CIA) trained, equipped, and inserted into
Syria. This issue came up at the Senate Armed Services Committee
meeting yesterday, when Chairman McCain expressed particular concern
for pro-U.S. Syrian rebels he said are now being bombed by Russia
and Syria.
Defense Secretary Carter replied that “no rebel
group directly supported by the Defense Department under the law had
been attacked.” Casting a look of incredulity, McCain replied, “I
promise you they have.”
This is a particularly sore spot for McCain and
his CIA friends. Ten days into our air-strike campaign, another
Washington Post lead story with the headline, “Early signs of
Russian intent … Strikes seemed to catch White House flat-footed,”
claimed that Russian aircraft “pounded” CIA-sponsored “moderate
rebel groups … who appeared to get no warning that they were in
Russian jets’ crosshairs.”
“U.S. officials” told the Post, “CIA
Director John Brennan has voiced frustration with U.S. inaction as
fighters trained and armed by the agency at camps in Jordan over the
past two years face a Russia assault.”
CIA officials do not like to be seen as
leaving their own in the lurch – whether in the mountains of Syria
or on the beaches of the Bay of Pigs in Cuba. Many serious scholars
who have investigated the assassination of President John F. Kennedy
conclude that Allen Dulles, who was fired by Kennedy after the Bay
of Pigs fiasco, led a cabal that killed him – and then sat on the
Warren Commission to cover it all up.
We doubt that John Brennan is up to playing
that kind of role, or that Dunford, for example, could be persuaded
to do what a Marine predecessor, Gen. Smedley Butler, refused to do,
join a coup against the sitting U.S. President (in Butler’s case he
rejected a right-wing scheme to remove President Franklin Roosevelt
from office).But there is reason to think that Obama believes he has
more to fear than the fate of his policies. One report alleges that
he privately told friends of his fear of ending up like Dr. Martin
Luther King, Jr.
In sum, Obama has ample reason to be afraid
that powerful people in Establishment Washington, convinced they
know better than he how to protect the country, might succeed in
pinning on his back a “too-soft-on-the-Russians” bulls-eye.
======
Ray McGovern
works with Tell the Word, a publishing arm of the ecumenical Church
of the Saviour in inner-city Washington. He was a CIA analyst for 27
years, from the administration of John F. Kennedy to that of George
H. W. Bush. From 1981 to 1985, McGovern prepared the
President’s Daily Brief,
which he briefed one-on-one to President Ronald Reagan’s five most
senior national security advisers.