“My name is Nobody”: Religious Fanaticism is a
Western TraditionBy T.P. Wilkinson
September 24, 2015 "Information
Clearing House" - "Dissident
Voice"-
Amidst all the handwringing across the political
spectrum, commentators of every type decry the deplorable conditions
that prevail in the parts of the world that have been under attack
by the US, NATO, and the historic colonial powers of Europe: Britain
and France. That is to say jointly and severally the wealthiest
countries on Earth concentrated in the North Atlantic region of the
world. However, the vast majority of the text generated on this
subject is truly tiresome.
While nearly everyone is willing to say that the
nature of the violence prevailing in the Middle East and various
parts of the “Dark Continent” (the ignorance displayed with respect
to Africa only verifies that whites still consider Blacks next to
worthless), it is conspicuous that no one is willing to face a
fundamental fact. Religious fanaticism is essentially a European and
Anglo-American tradition.
The French colonised Algeria and deliberately gave
the arch-conservative Islamic clerics the job of policing Algeria’s
native population. That was an essential part of their control over
the country. The British colonisers historically sought out the
peoples in Africa who were most susceptible to their puritan form of
Christianity and educated them to dominate the rest of the ethnic
groups in their colonies. This was, in fact, the main function of
missionaries throughout the Euro-American colonial enterprise.
Europe itself was created by the process of imposing Christianity
with the sword and the Inquisition. The Roman pontiff extorted money
and manpower for over three centuries to subdue the Eastern
Christian (Orthodox) church and dominate the Middle East. A
militarised bureaucracy emerged from a Greco-Roman sect and declared
itself the universal church. Based upon all manner of forged
documents and brute force, the Roman Catholic Church undertook to
drive adherents of Islam from the Iberian peninsula, southern France
and the Levant. The more honest historians of those periods admit
that Islam was more tolerant of other religions than Roman
Catholicism ever was. The institution of anti-semitism became part
of the Spanish and Portuguese monarchies’ enrichment strategy after
the Islamic rulers were expelled.
This is by no means ancient history. Thus US
regime, in particular, sponsored missionaries to destroy the culture
of Native Americans while the US Army was annihilating any that
dared to resist. The US oil dynasties; e.g., Rockefeller, Pew,
Mellon, have spent billions funding reactionary Protestant
missionaries throughout the world whose job it has been to
depopulate areas for Christ (help the indigenous get closer to the
Christian god by dying early) so as to seize land and mineral
rights. Various Pentacostalists were notorious supporters of
military dictatorships in Brazil, Chile, Guatemala, and elsewhere —
not only preaching but collaborating with the secret police. South
African apartheid could not have been so enduring without the
Christian missions who helped soften resistance and even helped
expropriate land from Blacks throughout the country. As one wag
said, the Christian missionaries brought us the Bible and took
everything else.
In the great wave of national liberation that
started in Ghana and Egypt and Mesopotamia after World War II,
movements were born that comprised all the religious groups in those
countries. Their models were the “enlightened” secular states
anticipated by their leaders– many of whom had been educated in
Europe and North America. Without exception secular states were
formed throughout Africa and the Middle East — with the exception of
the European settler-colonial regime in what is now called Israel.
Of course, whites in South Africa imitated this move by Black
Africans but instead created states whose official religion was
white supremacy.
From the very beginning the West — mainly Britain,
the US and France — did everything in their power to destroy these
newly independent states or to burden them with ethnic
dictatorships. The latter were simply a result of re-creating the
indirect rule regime of colonial days and installing a quasi-remote
control mechanism: arms supplies for the old favourite clique so
that it could suppress the rest of the population. Where ethnic
division was not so easy, religion was used.
Only ethnic or religious fanaticism — an essential
trait of the imperial elite — could endow a minority in any of these
countries with the capacity to rule other ethnic or religious groups
as ruthlessly as the colonisers had done.
There is a guiding principle for the use of
extremists to enforce imperialism today. It is based on a division
of labour. A small group of religious fanatics, take the Saudis and
their like, can be cheaply bought. Then by arming them to the teeth
and granting them every conceivable immunity it is possible to
continue the exhaustive exploitation of the country and its
population. Truly pious fanatics are only interested in enough money
to satisfy their immediate passions. Therefore they have no interest
in “economic affairs”. This was especially true when the British and
US oil cartel installed the house of Saud to rule the populations
wandering about the massive oil fields. In return for fanatical
religious tyranny (and loads of cash for a tiny family), the entire
Arabian peninsula was surrendered to Aramco. In the case of Iran,
Britain got control over all the oil by arming a dictator who
pretended to be a monarch. The US continued this legacy by usurping
Iran’s democratic aspirations. Carter and Reagan secretly supported
the reactionary Islamic clerics in 1979 as a means of preventing– or
so they thought — a resurgent nationalist movement with the fall of
the Shah. (Sometimes plans do not work perfectly.)
At the same time Carter — at least the people who
actually ran his administration — started the wave of fanatical
reactionary Islam in Afghanistan — to crush a secular regime there
and indirectly attack the Soviet Union. This campaign continues
unabated. The Anglo-American elite, together with their vassals and
the settler-colonial regime in Palestine, have been using the tried
and true tradition of religious fanaticism to promote their own
religion: fanatical capitalism. One cannot function without the
other because they are in essence two sides of the same historical
coin.
Since threat manufacture is the main function of
the mass media — even on the so-called Left — even those who write
for the progressive (no one can say the “c” or “s” words) has to
maintain the illusion that these Islamic fundamentalists or
Islamicists or Al Queda or ISIS or whatever name happens to be
fashionable, are anything but the force they are: mercenaries and
missionaries for capitalist fanaticism, the global extremism that
everyone has been forced to accept as universal since 1989. The
media gives us pseudonyms to disguise the lies and to help us lie to
ourselves.
It would take too long to cite all the supposedly
well-meaning articles that try to tell us that the threat to Syria
is a somehow uncontrollable “Frankenstein” or even an independent
force which we must all oppose. Of course, people who work in the
well-paid or otherwise privileged elements of the digital and
analogue propaganda machines would at least suffer professionally if
they called things by their right names. Others avoid stating the
obvious because they are simply too ignorant or uninformed to write
or say more than what everyone else is writing and saying. Truth be
told, if you read the “liberal press” every day it does soften your
brain– if only because to speak differently would make you very odd
at most parties.
Many years ago I watched a film that was
considered at the time slightly pornographic, Last Tango in
Paris (1972). In this film an older man and a young woman meet
regularly in an empty flat for sex. In fact, the sex is often quite
rough– which was probably why it had an adult rating at the time. In
Bertolucci’s film the man, Paul, is played by Marlon Brando. Maria
Schneider plays Jeanne. The two meet regularly and anything is
allowed except to ask the names. That is to say they meet
anonymously. One day the rule is broken and the names said. The next
time they meet Jeanne comes with her father’s revolver and kills
Paul.
What is the moral of the story? Paul and Jeanne
lived those hours in that Paris flat and anything was possible,
except identification. When Jeanne learned that the man with whom
she had had sex so often, often even painfully, had a name and she
could name this man, everything else that she had experienced became
nameable. The choice became clear: continue to suffer or destroy
that which was causing the suffering. It was no longer possible to
simply walk away.
This is the situation in which we find ourselves
when we follow the continuous circular complaints of our current
condition. (Alliteration intended.) As long as those we allow to
describe our world and the supposed reality in which we live to
anonymise the facts, to suppress the identities at the root of the
violence being done in the name of this universal fanatical religion
— capitalism — with its current fanatical manifestations in the
imperial mercenary armies of Africa and the Middle East– we will be
held in awe, held unable to contemplate action. By action I do not
presume to know what the best course is. I do not know if there is
enough protest to stop things — but we haven’t protested enough. I
do not know if things are so difficult that we have to cower before
the almighty military and economic war machine, euphemistically
called the 1%.
However, I am sure that as long as names are not
named, we will not get to the root of the problem that threatens us
more than CO2 or greenhouse gas. Given the gravity of the real
threat — the threat of this fanatical “economic religion” and its
masked mercenaries — it seems clear to me that the refusal to name
names is not accidental.
Dr T.P. Wilkinson writes,
teaches History and English, directs theatre and coaches cricket in
Heinrich Heine's birthplace, Düsseldorf. He is also the author of
Church Clothes, Land, Mission and the End of Apartheid in South
Africa (Maisonneuve Press, 2003).