Donald Trump and the Ghost of Totalitarianism
By Henry A. Giroux
September 20, 2015 "Information
Clearing House" - "Tikkun"
- In the current historical moment in
the United States, the emptying out of language is nourished by the
assault on the civic imagination. One example of this can be found
in the rise of Donald Trump on the political scene. Donald Trump’s
popular appeal speaks to not just the boldness of what he says and
the shock it provokes, but the inability to respond to shock with
informed judgement rather than titillation. Marie Luise Knott is
right in noting that “We live our lives with the help of the
concepts we form of the world. They enable an author to make the
transition from shock to observation to finally creating space for
action—for writing and speaking. Just as laws guarantee a public
space for political action, conceptual thought ensures the existence
of the four walls within which judgment operates.”[i] The concepts
that now guide our understanding of American society are dominated
by a corporate induced linguistic and authoritarian model that
brings ruin to language, politics and democracy itself.
Missing from the commentaries by most of the mainstream media
regarding the current rise of Trumpism is any historical context
that would offer a critical account of the ideological and political
disorder plaguing American society—personified by Trump’s
popularity. A resurrection of historical memory in this moment could
provide important lessons regarding the present crisis, particularly
the long tradition of racism, white supremacy, exceptionalism, war
mongering, and the extended wars on youth, women, and immigrants.
Calling Trump a fascist is not enough. What is necessary are
analyses in which the seeds of totalitarianism are made visible in
Trump’s discourse and policy measures. One example can be found in
Steve Weissman’s commentary on Trump in which he draws a
relationship between Trump’s casual racism and the rapidly growing
neo-fascist movements across Europe that “are growing strong by
hating others for their skin color, religious origin, or immigrant
status.”[ii] Few journalists have acknowledged the presence of white
militia and white supremacists groups at his rallies and almost none
have acknowledged the chanting of “white power” at some of his
political gatherings, which would surely signal not only Trump’s
connections to a racist past but also to the formative Nazi culture
that gave rise to the endgame of genocide.[iii] Another example can
be found in Glenn Greenwald’s analysis of the mainstream media’s
treatment of Trump’s attack on Jorge Ramos, an influential anchor of
Univision.[iv] When Ramos stood up to question Trump’s views on
immigration, Trump refused not only to call on him, but insulted him
by telling him to go back to Univision. Instead of focusing on this
particular lack of civility, Greenwald takes up the way many
journalists scolded Ramos because he had a point of view and was
committed to a political narrative. Greenwald saw this not just as a
disingenuous act on the part of establishment journalists but as a
weakness that furthers the march of an authoritarian regime that
does not have to be accountable to the press. Trump may be bold in
his willingness to flaunt his racism and make clear that money
drives politics, but this is not new and should surprise no one who
is historically and civically literate.
What is clear in this case is that a widespread avoidance of the
past has become not only a sign of the appalling lack of historical
consciousness in contemporary American culture, but a deliberate
political weapon used by the powerful to keep people passive and
blind to the truth, if not reduced to a discourse drawn from the
empty realm of celebrity culture. This is a discourse in which
totalitarian images of the hero, fearless leader, and bold
politicians get lost in the affective and ideological registers of
what Hannah Arendt once called “the ruin of our categories of
thought and standards of judgment.”[v] Of course, there are many
factors currently contributing to this production of ignorance and
the lobotomizing of individual and collective agency. The forces
promoting a deep seated culture of authoritarianism run deep in
American society.
Such factors extend from the idiocy of celebrity and popular culture
and the dumbing down of American schools to the transformation of
the mainstream media into a deadly mix of propaganda and
entertainment. The latter is particularly crucial as the collapse of
journalistic standards that could inform the onslaught of
information finds its counterpart in a government wedded to state
secrecy and the aggressive prosecution of whistleblowers,[vi] the
expanding use of state secrecy, the corruption of political
language,[vii] the disregard for truth, all of which have
contributed to growing culture of political and civic
illiteracy.[viii] The knowledge and value deficits that produce such
detrimental forms of ignorance not only crush the critical and
ethical imagination, critical modes of social interaction, and
political dissent, but also destroy those public spheres and spaces
that promote thoughtfulness, thinking, critical dialogue, and serve
as “guardians of truths as facts,” as Arendt once put it.[ix]
Under the reign of neoliberalism, space, time, and even language
have been subject to the forces of privatization and commodification.
Public space has been replaced by malls and a host of commercial
institutions. Commodified and privatized, public space is now
regulated through exchange values rather than public values just as
communal values are replaced by atomizing and survival-of-the
fittest market values. Time is no longer connected to long term
investments, the development of social capital, and goals that
benefit young people and the public good. On the contrary, time is
now connected to short-term investments and quick financial gains.
More broadly, time is now defined by “the non-stop operation of
global exchange and circulation”[x] and the frenetic reproduction
and perpetuation of an impoverished celebrity and consumer culture
that both depoliticizes people and narrows their potential for
critical thought, agency, and social relations to an investment in
shopping, and other market-related activities. Under neoliberalism,
time presents itself as a form tyranny, an unquestioned necessity,
and in speeding up the flows of work, leisure, knowledge, and
everyday life it spawns a new kind of violence in which the flow of
capital replaces the flow of thoughtfulness, atomization replaces a
notion of shared solidarity, the spectacle undermines historical
memory, privatization seeks to erase all notions of the public good,
and manufactured precarity replaces any sense of security and
long-term planning.
In the age of casino capitalism, time itself has become a burden
more than a condition for contemplation, self-reflection, and the
cultivation of thoughtful and compassionate social relations. The
extended arc of temporal relations in which one could imagine
long-term investments in the common good has given way to a notion
of time in which the horizon of time is contained within the
fluctuating short-term investments of the financial elite and their
militant drive for profits at any price. What is lost in this
merging of time and the dictates of neoliberal capital are the most
basic elements of being human along with the formative culture and
institutions necessary to develop a real, substantive democracy. As
Christian Marazzi observes:
Taking time means giving each other the means of inventing one’s
future, freeing it from the anxiety of immediate profit. It means
caring for oneself and the environment in which one lives, it means
growing up in a socially responsible way. [Taking time means]
questioning the meaning of consumption, production, and investment
[so as to not] reproduce the preconditions of financial capitalism,
the violence of its ups and downs, the philosophy according to which
‘time is everything, man is nothing.’ For man (sic) to be
everything, we need to reclaim the time of his existence. [xi]
Civic death and disposability are the new signposts or a society in
which historical memory is diminished and ethical evaluations become
derided as figments of liberal past. Dispossession and
depoliticization are central to the discourse of neoliberalism in
which language is central to moulding identities, desires, values,
and social relationships. As Doreen Massey observes, under
neoliberalism the public is urged to become consumers, customers,
and highly competitive while taught that the only interest that
matters are individual interests, almost always measured by monetary
considerations.[xii] Under such circumstances, social and communal
bonds have been shredded, important modes of solidarity attacked,
and a war has been waged against any institution that embraces the
values, practices, and social relations endemic to a democracy.
This retreat into private silos has resulted in the inability of
individuals to connect their personal suffering with larger public
issues. Thus detached from any concept of the common good or viable
vestige of the public realm, they are left to face alone a world of
increasing precarity and uncertainty in which it becomes difficult
to imagine anything other than how to survive. Under such
circumstances, there is little room for thinking critically and
acting collectively in ways that are imaginative and courageous.
Surely, the celebration and widespread prevalence of ignorance in
American culture does more than merely testify “to human
backwardness or stupidity”; it also “indicates human weakness and
the fear that it is unbearably difficult to live beset by continuous
doubts.”[xiii] Yet, what is often missed in analysis of political
and civic illiteracy as the new normal is the degree to which these
new forms of illiteracy not only result in an unconscious flight
from politics, but also produce a moral coma that supports modern
systems of terror and authoritarianism. Civic illiteracy is about
more than the glorification and manufacture of ignorance on an
individual scale: it is producing a nation-wide crisis of agency,
memory, and thinking itself.
How else to explain, for instance, the mainstream media’s
willingness to provide a platform for Donald Trump whose views
express an unchecked hatred of immigrants, women, the welfare state,
and any viable notion of the public good. As Richard Hofstadter,
Noam Chomsky, and Susan Jacoby have made clear ignorance is not
simply about the absence of knowledge, it is a kind of ideological
sandstorm in which reason gives way to emotion, and a willful
stupidity spreads through the culture as part of a political project
that both infantilizes and depoliticizes the general public.[xiv]
Trump is simply the most visible embodiment of a society that is not
merely suspicious of critical thought but disdains it. Trump is the
quintessential symbol of the merging of a war-like arrogance, a
militant certainty, and as self-absorbed unworldliness in which he
is removed from problems of the real world. The clueless Trump is
far from a kind of clownish fiction some writers have described him
to be. And while liberals such as Michal Tomasky have pointed to his
appeal to racial resentment, a gladiatorial style, and his ability
to combine a war like discourse and elements of conservative
fundamentalism with a flair for entertainment,[xv] this type of
analysis regrettably shies away from talking about Trump’s presence
on the political landscape as an indication and warning of the
specter of totalitarianism confronting Americans in new forms.[xvi]
Trump is the embodiment of a political party and casino driven
social order in which informed judgments, moral responsibility, and
collective action disappear from the world of politics. Trump’s
often insulting, humiliating, misogynist, and racist remarks signify
more than the rantings of an antediluvian, privileged white man who
is both savvy in the world of public relations and delusional in the
world of politics. Trump represents the new face of what Hannah
Arendt once called the “banality of evil.”[xvii] Unapologetic about
the racist nature of his remarks, unreflective about an savage
economic system that is destroying the planet and the lives of most
of its inhabitants, and unaware of his own “criminal” participation
in furthering a culture of fear and cruelty, he is typical of an
expanding mass of pundits, anti-public intellectuals, and right-wing
fundamentalists who live in a historical void and for whom emotion
overtakes reason.
Clearly, the attack on reason, evidence, science, and critical
thought has reached perilous proportions in the United States. A
number of political, economic, social, and technological forces now
work to distort reality and keep people passive, unthinking, and
unable to act in a critically engaged manner. Politicians,
right-wing pundits, and large swaths of the American public embrace
positions that support Creationism, capital punishment, torture, and
the denial of human-engineered climate change, any one of which not
only defies human reason but stands in stark opposition to
evidence-based scientific arguments. Reason now collapses into
opinion, as thinking itself appears to be both dangerous and
antithetical to understanding ourselves, our relations to others,
and the larger state of world affairs. Under such circumstances,
literacy disappears not just as the practice of learning skills, but
also as the foundation for taking informed action. Divorced from any
sense of critical understanding and agency, the meaning of literacy
is narrowed to completing basic reading, writing, and numeracy tasks
assigned in schools. Literacy education is similarly reduced to
strictly methodological considerations and standardized assessment,
rooted in test taking and deadening forms of memorization, and
becomes far removed from forms of literacy that would impart an
ability to raise questions about historical and social contexts.
For Arendt the inability to think, to be thoughtful, and assume
responsibility for one’s actions spoke not just to a regrettable
type of civic and political illiteracy, but was crucial for creating
the formative cultures that produced totalitarian regimes. Absent
any residue of moral responsibility, political indignation, and
collective resistance, crimes committed in a systemic way now
emerge, in part, from a society in which thinking had become
dangerous and non-thinking normalized. Of course, thinking
critically is largely produced in public spheres that instill
convictions rather than destroy them, encourage critical capacities
rather than shut them down, invest in public spheres rather than
eliminate them by turning them over to private interests. What
Donald Trump represents is rarely talked about in the media. He is
the most current egregious highly visible symbol of a terrifying
stage in American society haunted by the protean elements of a new
totalitarianism. Totalitarian forms are still with us but they no
longer find expression in the rounding up and killing of Jews, gays,
and intellectuals or in the spectacles of militarism with the
heightened show of armies of thugs dressed in military uniforms and
black boots. The new totalitarianism is echoed in the resurgence of
religious bigotry that runs through the current society like an
electric current and personified in the media celebration of bigots
such as Kentucky clerk Kim Davis who believes that her religion
gives her the right to both deny marriage license to gays and the
disavow the separation of church and state. Unfortunately, Davis is
more than an embarrassment politically and ethically, she reflects a
sizable number of religious fundamentalists who have the backing of
Republican Party and presidential candidates such as Ted Cruz and
Mike Huckabee.
Totalitarianism throws together authoritarian and anti-democratic
forms that represent a new historical moment in American history.
Economic fundamentalism now governs all of society rather than just
the market and in doing so drives politics and sets polices that
promote massive inequalities in wealth and power, produce huge
amounts of suffering, and appear to delight in a culture of cruelty.
Military fundamentalism points to a society that now militarizes
everything from knowledge to schools. In this scenario, an
increasing number of behaviors are criminalized, militarism feeds
the punishing and incarceration state, and a kind of hyper
masculinity now parades as the new model for legitimating aggression
and violence in multiple spheres and against an increasing range of
populations extending from women and black youth to Mexican
immigrants. One of the most deadly fundamentalisms is education. We
now live in a world in which illiteracy has replaced literacy and
civic values have gone the way of the typewriter. As the orbits of
privatization increase furthering what has been called by Mark
Fisher the “empire of the self,” knowledge is transformed into the
flow of non-stop information just as education collapses into
training. Students are now defined as test-takers and celebrity
culture has overtaken any viable notion of a critical, questioning,
and informed culture. Trump’s rise in the polls is tantamount to the
collapse of civic literacy and the public spheres that support it.
Totalitarianism’s curse finds public and political support for a
mode of non-thinking in which rails against any attempt to ask what
it might mean to use knowledge and theory as a resource to address
social problems and events in ways that are meaningful and expand
democratic relations. This this is a form of illiteracy marked by
the inability to see outside of the realm of the privatized self, an
illiteracy in which the act of translation withers, reduced to a
relic of another age. The United States has become a country in
which a chronic and deadly form of civic illiteracy finds its most
visible expression into a disimagination machine that celebrates the
Donald Trumps of the world. The world of politics is far from
clownish and in fact points to a poisonous future at a time in which
the educational force of the culture is being used to promote a
poisonous form of civic illiteracy. Donald Trump is not the singular
clown who has injected the color and idiocy into American politics,
he is the canary in the mineshaft warning us that totalitarianism
relies on mass support and feeds on hate, moral panics, and “the
frenzied lawlessness or ideological certitude.”[xviii] As American
society moves from a culture of questioning to a culture of
shouting, it has restaged politics and power in ways that are truly
unproductive, frightening, and anti-democratic. Jerome Kohn writing
about Arendt’s notion of totalitarianism provides a commentary that
contains a message for the present age, one that points the
possibility of hope triumphing over despair—a lesson that needs to
be embraced at the present moment. He writes that for Arendt “what
matters is not to give oneself over to the despair of the past or
the utopian hope of the future, but ‘to remain wholly in the
present.’ Totalitarianism is the crisis of our times insofar as its
demise becomes a turning point for the present world, presenting us
with an entirely new opportunity to realize a common world, a world
that Arendt called a ‘human artifice,’ a place fit for habitation by
all human beings.”[xix] And if Trump represents a symbol of a
threatening totalitarianism, the legacy of individual and collective
struggle now on the horizon in the struggles emerging among the
Black Lives Matter Movement, fast food workers, environmentalists,
and a range of other groups point to a different future in which the
ideological stupidity and the unbridled braggadocio of the loud
mouth authoritarians will be challenged and overcome by the urgency
of hope in the face of despair. Rather than view Trump as an
eccentric clown maybe it is time to portray him symbolic of the
legacy of a totalitarian post whose story needs to be told again.
And in making such connections, there is not only the power of
resistance but a call to civic action to prevent such horrible
narrative from appearing once again.
I want to conclude by arguing that inherent in Arendt’s notion of
the banality is view of education as central to politics. That is,
for her the educative nature of politics is dialectical in that it
is central to both creating the formative cultures of
thoughtlessness and Nazi pedagogy and in creating those modes of
politics in which matters of critique, desire, and agency are
central to constructing critical and socially responsible citizens
alive to the demands of economic, racial, and political justice. For
those of us who believe that education is more than an extension of
the business world, it is crucial to address a number of issues that
stress the educative nature of politics as part of a broader effort
to create a critical culture, democratic public spheres, and a
collective movement that supports the connection between critique
and action and redefines agency in the service of the practice of
freedom and justice. Let me mention just a few.
First, educators, artists and others can address and make clear the
relationship between the attack on the social state and the
transformation of a range of democratic public spheres into adjuncts
of corporate power. The neoliberal attacks on the welfare state,
social provisions, public servants, and the public good must be
understood and addressed as not simply an agenda to solidify class
power but as an attack on democracy itself. . Nor can it be
understood outside of the production of the atomized neoliberal
subject who is taught to believe in a form of possessive
individualism that disdains matters of compassion, solidarity, and
the type of sociality crucial to a democratic society. In a society
in which the “social self’ has been transformed into the
“disembedded individual,” any viable notion of the public good is
now repudiated by the privatizing and atomistic values at the heart
of a hyper-market driven society. [xx]
As I have mentioned earlier in this essay, militarism has a deadly
grip on American society as both an ideology with its celebration of
the ideals of war, violence, and military heroism and as a policy
that fuels the arms race, invests billions in military weapons, and
spends more on the tools of surveillance, war, and state violence
than on schools, health care, and the welfare state. Brown
University’s Watson Institute for International Studies has done
extensive research on military spending and the costs of war and
states that as a result of the Iraqi War alone “American taxpayers
will ultimately spend roughly $2.2 trillion on the war, but because
the U.S. government borrowed to finance the conflict, interest
payments through the year 2053 means that the total bill could reach
nearly $4 trillion.”[xxi] At the very least, any viable form of
resistance against the onslaught of totalitarianism will have to
develop as Rabbi Michael Lerner of Tikkun has pointed out a Marshall
Plan in which funding is sufficient to make all levels of education
free, while also providing enough social support to eliminate
poverty, hunger, inadequate health care, and the destruction of the
environment.[xxii] There is nothing utopian about the demand to
redirect money away from the military, powerful corporations, and
the upper 1 percent.
Second, progressives need to develop a new radical democratic
imaginary that challenges the notion that a market economy is
synonymous with democracy. Capitalism and democracy are antithetical
and the ways in which democracy is undermined by casino capitalism
needs to be endlessly addressed as part of the pedagogical and
political task of rupturing what might be called neoliberal
commonsense, especially regarding the assumption that the market
should govern all of social life. The greatest threat posed by
authoritarian politics is that it makes power invisible and hence
defines itself in universal and commonsense terms, as if it is
beyond critique and dissent. Moreover, disposability has become the
new measure of a savage form of casino capitalism in which the only
value that matters is exchange value. Coupled with making the
machinery of neoliberal power visible is the need to overcome the
fragmentation of the left while not denying the various modes of
oppression at work in the United States. Put differently, there is a
need young people, workers, educators, artists, and others to become
part of a broader social movement aimed at dismantling the
repressive institutions that are moving the United States into a new
authoritarian age. This is especially true with regards to
addressing the mass incarceration state, which drains billions of
dollars in funds to put people in jail when such resources could be
used to fund health care, free higher education, much needed
infrastructure, a social wage, free day care, and so it goes. .
What I am suggesting is that progressives need to develop a more
comprehensive view of society and a keener recognition of the
mutually informing registers of politics, oppression, and political
struggle. There is a noble and informing example of this type of
analysis in the work of theorists such as Michael Lerner, Stanley
Aronowitz, Angela Davis, and the late Martin Luther King, Jr., who
drew connections between militarism, racism and capitalism as part
of is call not for reform but for a radical restructuring of
American society.
Third, against the new thoughtlessness that drapes the American
public in the abyss of ignorance, infantilism, consumerism,
militarism, and environmental stupidity, there is a need to create
those pedagogical spaces in which shared faith in justice replaces
the shared fears of precarity, hatred of the other, and a fear of
the demands of justice. Against the savage brutalism of the new
totalitarianism, there is a need to develop new discourses,
vocabularies, values, desires, and a sense of spirituality that
brings people together around a need for critique, passion for
justice, and a desire for new modes of collective resistance and
struggle. We may be in the midst of “dark times” but the light of
hope is never far off and while it offers no guarantees, it posits
the possibility of a future that will not mimic the horrors of the
past and present.
Notes
[1] Marie Luise Knott, Unlearning With Hannah
Arendt, trans. by David Dollenmayer, (Other Press: New York,
NY. 2011, 2013), p. 47.
[2] Steve Weissman,
“Bashing Blacks, Latinos, Jews, and Muslims: Never Again!,” Reader
Supported News, (September 2011). Online at:http://readersupportednews.org/opinion2/277-75/32150-focus-bashing-blacks-latinos-jews-and-muslims-never-again
[3] See, for example,
Randy Blazak, “Donald Trump is the New Face of White Supremacy,” Counter
Punch, (August 28, 2015). Online at:http://www.counterpunch.org/2015/08/28/donald-trump-is-the-new-face-of-white-supremacy/
[4] Glenn Greenwald,
“Jorge Ramos Commits Journalism, Gets Immediately Attacked by
Journalists,” The Intercept, (August 27, 2015).
Online at: https://theintercept.com/2015/08/26/jorge-ramos-commits-journalism-gets-immediately-attacked-journalists/
[5] Hannah Arendt, Hannah
Arendt: The Last Interview and Other Conversations, (Brooklyn,
NY. : Melville House Publishing, 2013)
[6] Glenn Greenwald, No
Place to Hide (New York: Metropolitan, 2014).
[7] Charles Lewis, 935
Lies: The Future of Truth and the Decline of America’s Moral
Integrity (New York: Public Affairs, 2014).
[8] Susan Jacoby, The
Age of American Unreason (New York: Pantheon, 2008); Robert N.
Proctor and Londa Schiebinger, eds.Agnotology: the Making and
Unmaking of Ignorance (Stanford: Stanford University Press,
2008). The classic text here is Richard Hofstadter,
Anti-Intellectualism in America Life (New York: Knopf, 1963).
[9] Hannah Arendt, Hannah
Arendt: The Last Interview and Other Conversations (Brooklyn,
NY: Melville House Publishing, 2013), p. 31.
[10] Jonathan Crary, 24/7:
Late Capitalism and the Ends of Sleep, (Verso, 2013) (Brooklyn,
NY: Verso Press, 2013), p. 5.
[11] Christian Marazzi, The
Violence of Financial Capitalism (New York: Semiotext(e) 2011),
p. 96.
[12] Doreen Massey,
“Vocabularies of the economy,” Soundings, (2013)
http://lwbooks.co.uk/journals/soundings/pdfs/Vocabularies%20of%20the%20economy.pdf
[13] Zygmunt Bauman and
Leonidas Donskis, Moral Blindness: The Loss of Sensitivity in
Liquid Modernity (Cambridge, UK: Polity Press, 2013), p. 7.
[14] Noam Chomsky and
Edward Herman, Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of
the Mass Media (New York: Pantheon, 2002); Susan Jacoby, The
Age of American Unreason (New York: Pantheon, 2008) and Richard
Hofstadter, Anti-Intellectualism in America Life (New York:
Knopf, 1963).
[15] Michael Tomasky,
“Trump,” New York Review of Books(September 24, 2015).
Online:http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/2015/sep/24/trump/
[16] See, for instance,
Cornelius Castoriadis, “The Destinies of Totalitarianism,”
Salmagundi, No. 60, (Spring -Summer, 1983),http://www.jstor.org/stable/40547754
[17] Hannah Arendt, Eichmann
in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil (New York:
Penguin, 2006).
[18] Bill Dixon,
“Totalitarianism and the Sand Storm,” Hannah Arendt Center (February
3, 2014). Online:http://www.hannaharendtcenter.org/?p=12466
[19] Jerome Kohn,
“Totalitarianism: The Inversion of Politics,” The Hannah Arendt
Papers at the Library of Congress Essays and lectures—“On the Nature
of Totalitarianism: An Essay in Understanding” (Series:
Speeches and Writings File, 1923-1975, n.d.) Online at: http://memory.loc.gov/ammem/arendthtml/essayb1.html
[20] These two terms are
taken from Stefan Collini, “Response to Book Review Symposium:
Stefan Collini, What are Universities For,” Sociology 1-2 (February
5, 2014), Online:http://soc.sagepub.com/content/early/2014/02/14/0038038513518852
[21] Ben
Armbruster,”Study: Iraq War Cost U.S. $2.2 Trillion, Claimed Nearly
200,000 Lives,” ThinkProgress (March 14, 2013). Online:
http://thinkprogress.org/security/2013/03/14/1721961/study-iraq-war-cost-2-triillion/
The publication by the Watson Institute of the March 14, 2013 ‘Costs
of War’ Project, “Iraq War: 190,000 lives, $2.2 trillion,” can be
found online athttp://news.brown.edu/articles/2013/03/warcosts
[22] For Tikkun’s Marshall
Plan, seehttp://spiritualprogressives.org/newsite/?page_id=114
