Madness of Blockading Syria’ Government
The U.S. State Department is trying to block Russian supplies going
to Syria’s embattled government despite the risk that collapsing the
regime would create a vacuum filled by the Islamic State or Al
Qaeda, another nightmare dreamt up by the neocons and liberal hawks,
writes Robert Parry.
By Robert Parry
September 11, 2015 "Information
Clearing House" - "Consortiumnews"
- Does the U.S. government want the Islamic
State and/or its fellow-travelers in Al Qaeda to take over Syria? As
far as the State Department is concerned, that seems to be a risk
worth taking as it moves to cut off Russia’s supply pipeline to the
Syrian government of President Bashar al-Assad — even as Sunni
terrorist groups expand their grip on Syrian territory.
It appears that hardliners within the Obama
administration have placed the neocon goal of “regime change” in
Syria ahead of the extraordinary dangers that could come from the
black flag of Sunni terrorism raised over the capital of Damascus.
That would likely be accompanied by the Islamic State chopping off
the heads of Christians, Alawites, Shiites and other “heretics”
and/or Al Qaeda having a major Mideast capital from which to plot
more attacks on the West.
And, as destabilizing as
the current flow of Middle East refugees is to Europe, a
victory by the Islamic State or Al Qaeda’s Nusra Front would open
the flood gates, sending millions of desperate people pouring out of
Syria and creating a political as well as humanitarian crisis. At
that point, there also would be enormous pressure on President
Barack Obama or his successor to mount a full-scale invasion of
Syria and attempt a bloody occupation.
The human and financial costs of this nightmare
scenario are almost beyond comprehension. The European Union –
already strained by mass unemployment in its southern tier — could
crack apart, shattering one of the premier achievements of the
post-World War II era. The United States also could undergo a final
transformation from a Republic into a permanent-warrior state.
Yet, Official Washington can’t seem to stop
itself. Instead of working with Russia and Shiite-ruled Iran to help
stabilize the political/military situation in Syria, the pundit
class and the “tough-guy/gal” politicians are unleashing torrents of
insults toward the two countries that would be the West’s natural
allies in any effort to prevent a Sunni terrorist takeover.
Beyond words, there has been action. Over the past
week, the State Department has pressured Bulgaria and Greece to bar
Russian transport flights headed to Syria. The U.S. plan seems to be
to blockade the Syrian government and starve it of outside supplies,
whether humanitarian or military, all the better to force its
collapse and open the Damascus city gates to the Islamic State
and/or Al Qaeda.
In explaining its nearly inexplicable behavior,
the State Department even has adopted the silly neocon talking point
which blames Assad and now Russia for creating the Islamic State,
though the bloodthirsty group actually originated as “Al Qaeda in
Iraq” in reaction to President George W. Bush’s invasion of Iraq in
2003.
Then, backed by money and weapons from Saudi
Arabia, Qatar and other U.S. “allies,” AQI moved into Syria with the
goal of ousting Assad’s relatively secular government. AQI later
took the name Islamic State (also known by the acronyms ISIS, ISIL
or Daesh). Yet, the State Department’s official position is that the
Islamic State is Assad’s and Russia’s fault.
“What we’ve said is that their [the Russians’]
continued support to the Assad regime has actually fostered the
growth of ISIL inside Syria and made the situation worse,” State
Department spokesman John Kirby
said on Tuesday. “If they want to be helpful against ISIL,
the way to do it is to stop arming and assisting and supporting
Bashar al-Assad.”
Yet, the reality is that Assad’s military has been
the principal bulwark against both the Islamic State and the other
dominant Sunni rebel force, Al Qaeda’s affiliate, the Nusra Front.
So, by moving to shut down Assad’s supply line, the U.S. government
is, in effect, clearing the way for an Islamic State/Al Qaeda
victory since the U.S.-trained “moderate” rebels are largely a
fiction, numbering in double digits, while the extremists have tens
of thousands of committed fighters.
In other words, if the U.S. strategy succeeds in
collapsing Assad’s defenses, there is really nothing to stop the
Sunni terrorists from seizing Damascus and other major cities. Then,
U.S. airstrikes on those population centers would surely kill many
civilians and further radicalize the Sunnis. To oust the Islamic
State and/or Al Qaeda would require a full-scale U.S. invasion,
which might be inevitable but would almost certainly fail, much as
Bush’s Iraq occupation did.
A Scary Fantasyland
As scary as these dangers are, there remains a
huge gap between the real world of the Middle East and the
fantasyland that is Official Washington’s perception of the region.
In that land of make-believe, what matters is tough talk from
ambitious politicians and opinion leaders, what I call the
“er-er-er” growling approach to geopolitics.
Democratic presidential hopeful Hillary Clinton
joined in that growling on Wednesday at the Brookings
Institution, which has become home to neocons such as Robert Kagan
and a host of “liberal interventionists,” such as Michael O’Hanlon
and Strobe Talbott.
Though she formally endorsed the nuclear agreement
with Iran, former Secretary of State Clinton insulted both the
Iranians and the Russians. Noting Russia’s support for the Syrian
government, she urged increased punishment of Moscow and Russian
President Vladimir Putin — aimed at forcing Russia to abandon the
Assad regime.
“We need a concerted effort to up the costs on
Russia and Putin; I am in the camp that we have not done enough,”
Clinton declared. “I don’t think we can dance around it much
longer,” she said, claiming that Russia is trying to “stymie and
undermine American power whenever and wherever they can.”
Clinton appears to have learned nothing from her
past support for “regime change” strategies in Iraq and Libya. In
both countries, the U.S. military engineered the ouster and murder
of the nations’ top leaders, but instead of the promised flourishing
of some ideal democracies, the countries descended into anarchy with
Sunni terrorists, linked to Al Qaeda and the Islamic State, now
controlling large swaths of territory and engaging in widespread
atrocities.
Yet, for Clinton, the higher priority is to come
across as super-tough, proving her value to Official Washington’s
influential neocons and liberal hawks. Thus, a potential Clinton
presidency suggests an even more warlike foreign policy than the one
carried out by Obama, who recently
boasted of ordering military strikes in seven different countries.
Clinton seems eager for more and more “regime
changes,” targeting Syria and even Russia, despite the existential
risks involved in such reckless strategies, especially the notion of
destabilizing nuclear-armed Russia. The neocons and liberal hawks
always assume that some malleable “moderate” will take power, but
the real-life experience is that U.S. interventionism often makes
matters worse, with even more extreme leaders filling the void.
Where’s Obama?
Now, with Official Washington lining up behind a
blockade of Russian assistance to the Syrian government – even if
that would mean an Islamic State/Al Qaeda victory – the great
unknown is where President Obama stands.
A source familiar with the back channels between
the White House and the Kremlin told me that Obama had encouraged
Putin to step up Russian aid to the embattled Syrian government as
part of the fight against the Islamic State and that the Russians
are now bewildered as to why Obama’s State Department is trying to
sabotage those efforts.
As odd as that might sound, it would not be the
first time that Obama has favored a less confrontational approach to
a foreign crisis behind the scenes only to have neocon/liberal-hawk
operatives inside his own administration charge off in the opposite
direction. For instance, in 2009, Obama bowed to demands for what
turned out to be a useless “surge” in Afghanistan, and in 2014, he
allowed neocon Assistant Secretary of State Victoria Nuland to start
a new Cold War with Russia by helping to orchestrate a “regime
change” in Ukraine.
As Assistant Secretary of State for European
Affairs, Nuland would presumably be at the center of the recent
arm-twisting in Bulgaria and Greece to get those countries to block
Russian flights to Syria, which has been a longtime neocon target
for “regime change,” a goal that the neocons now see as within their
grasp.
Typically, when his underlings undercut him, Obama
then falls in line behind them but often in a foot-dragging kind of
way. Then, on occasion, he’ll break ranks and make a foray into
genuine diplomacy, such as Syria’s 2013 agreement to surrender its
chemical-weapons arsenal or Iran’s 2015 nuclear deal – both of which
were achieved with significant help from Putin. But Obama has proved
to be an unreliable foreign-policy partner, bending to the hawkish
pressure from many of his subordinates and even joining in their
rhetorical insults.
Today, Obama may feel that he has gone as far as
he dares with the Iran nuclear deal and that any foreign policy
cooperation with Iran or Russia before Congress decides on the
agreement’s fate by Sept. 17 could cause defections among key
Democrats.
Once the deadline for congressional review passes,
Obama could get serious about collaborating with Iran and Russia to
stabilize the situation in Syria. By strengthening the Syrian
government’s military – which has protected Christians, Alawites,
Shiites and other minorities – and incorporating reasonable Sunnis
into a power-sharing arrangement, there would a chance to stabilize
Syria and push for elections and constitutional reforms. But that
would require dropping the slogan, “Assad must go!”
So, while President Obama is saying little about
his Syrian plans, his State Department has moved off on its own
aggressive course hoping to finally achieve the neocon/liberal-hawk
dream of “regime change” in Syria – regardless of what nightmares
might follow.
Investigative reporter Robert Parry broke many of the
Iran-Contra stories for The Associated Press and Newsweek in the
1980s. You can buy his latest book,
America’s Stolen Narrative,
either in print
here or as an
e-book (from
Amazon
and
barnesandnoble.com).
You also can order Robert Parry’s trilogy on the Bush Family and its
connections to various right-wing operatives for only $34. The
trilogy includes
America’s Stolen Narrative.
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click here.