“Don’t Owe. Won’t Pay.” Everything You’ve Been
Told About Debt Is Wrong
With the nation’s household debt burden at $11.85 trillion, even the
most modest challenges to its legitimacy have revolutionary
implications.
By Charles Eisenstein
August 24, 2015 "Information
Clearing House" - "Yes"
- The legitimacy of a given social order
rests on the legitimacy of its debts. Even in ancient times this was
so. In traditional cultures, debt in a broad sense—gifts to be
reciprocated, memories of help rendered, obligations not yet
fulfilled—was a glue that held society together. Everybody at one
time or another owed something to someone else. Repayment of debt
was inseparable from the meeting of social obligations; it resonated
with the principles of fairness and gratitude.
The moral associations of making good on one’s
debts are still with us today, informing the logic of austerity as
well as the legal code. A good country, or a good person, is
supposed to make every effort to repay debts. Accordingly, if a
country like Jamaica or Greece, or a municipality like Baltimore or
Detroit, has insufficient revenue to make its debt payments, it is
morally compelled to privatize public assets, slash pensions and
salaries, liquidate natural resources, and cut public services so it
can use the savings to pay creditors. Such a prescription takes for
granted the legitimacy of its debts.
Today a burgeoning debt resistance movement draws
from the realization that many of these debts are not fair. Most
obviously unfair are loans involving illegal or deceptive
practices—the kind that were rampant in the lead-up to the 2008
financial crisis. From sneaky balloon interest hikes on mortgages,
to loans deliberately made to unqualified borrowers, to
incomprehensible financial products peddled to local governments
that were kept ignorant about their risks, these practices resulted
in billions of dollars of extra costs for citizens and public
institutions alike.
A movement is arising to challenge these debts. In
Europe, the International Citizen debt Audit Network (ICAN) promotes
“citizen debt audits,” in which activists examine the books of
municipalities and other public institutions to determine which
debts were incurred through fraudulent, unjust, or illegal means.
They then try to persuade the government or institution to contest
or renegotiate those debts. In 2012, towns in France declared they
would refuse to pay part of their debt obligations to the bailed-out
bank Dexia, claiming its deceptive practices resulted in interest
rate jumps to as high as 13 percent. Meanwhile, in the United
States, the city of Baltimore filed a class-action lawsuit to
recover losses incurred through the Libor rate-fixing scandal,
losses that could amount to billions of dollars.
And Libor is just the tip of the iceberg. In a
time of rampant financial lawbreaking, who knows what citizen audits
might uncover? Furthermore, at a time when the law itself is so
subject to manipulation by financial interests, why should
resistance be limited to debts that involved lawbreaking? After all,
the 2008 crash resulted from a deep systemic corruption in which
“risky” derivative products turned out to be risk-free—not on their
own merits, but because of government and Federal Reserve bailouts
that amounted to a de facto guarantee.
The perpetrators of these “financial instruments
of mass destruction” (as Warren Buffett labeled them) were rewarded
while homeowners, other borrowers, and taxpayers were left with
collapsed asset values and higher debts.
This is part of a context of unjust economic,
political, or social conditions that compels the debtor to go into
debt. When that injustice is pervasive, aren’t all or most debts
illegitimate? In many countries, declining real wages and reduced
public services virtually compel citizens to go into debt just to
maintain their standard of living. Is debt legitimate when it is
systemically foisted on the vast majority of people and nations? If
it isn’t, then resistance to illegitimate debt has profound
political consequences.
This feeling of pervasive, systemic unfairness is
palpable in the so-called developing world and in increasing swathes
of the rest. African and Latin American nations, southern and
Eastern Europe, communities of color, students, homeowners with
mortgages, municipalities, the unemployed ... the list of those who
strain under enormous debt through no fault of their own is endless.
They share the perception that their debts are somehow unfair,
illegitimate, even if there is no legal basis for that perception.
Hence the slogan that is spreading among debt activists and
resisters everywhere: “Don’t owe. Won’t pay.”
Challenges to these debts cannot be based on
appeals to the letter of the law alone when the laws are biased in
favor of creditors. There is, however, a legal principle for
challenging otherwise legal debts: the principle of “odious debt.”
Originally signifying debt incurred on behalf of a nation by its
leaders that does not actually benefit the nation, the concept can
be extended into a powerful tool for systemic change.
Odious debt was a key concept in recent debt
audits on the national level, most notably that of Ecuador in 2008
that led to its defaulting on billions of dollars of its foreign
debt. Nothing terrible happened to it, setting a dangerous precedent
(from the creditors’ point of view). Greece’s Truth Commission on
Public Debt is auditing all of that nation’s sovereign debt with the
same possibility in mind. Other nations are likely taking notice
because their debts, which are obviously unpayable, condemn them to
an eternity of austerity, wage cuts, natural resource liquidation,
privatization, etc., for the privilege of staying in debt (and
remaining part of the global financial system).
In most cases, the debts are never paid off.
According to a report by the Jubilee Debt Campaign, since 1970
Jamaica has borrowed $18.5 billion and paid back $19.8 billion, yet
still owes $7.8 billion. In the same period, the Philippines
borrowed $110 billion, has paid back $125 billion, and owes $45
billion. These are not isolated examples. Essentially what is
happening here is that money—in the form of labor power and natural
resources—is being extracted from these countries. More goes out
than comes in, thanks to the fact that all these loans bear
interest.
What debts are “odious”? Some examples are
obvious, such as loans to build the infamous Bataan Nuclear Power
Plant from which Westinghouse and Marcos cronies profited enormously
but which never produced any electricity, or the military
expenditures of juntas in El Salvador or Greece.
But what about the huge amount of debt that
financed large-scale, centralized development projects? Neoliberal
ideology says those are to the great benefit of a nation, but now it
is becoming apparent that the main beneficiaries were corporations
from the same nations that were doing the lending. Moreover, the
bulk of this development is geared toward enabling the recipient to
generate foreign exchange by opening up its petroleum, minerals,
timber, or other resources to exploitation, or by converting
subsistence agriculture to commodity agribusiness, or by making its
labor force available to global capital. The foreign exchange
generated is required to make loan payments, but the people don’t
necessarily benefit. Might we not say, then, that most debt owed by
the “developing” world is odious, born of colonial and imperial
relationships?
The same might be said for municipal, household,
and personal debt. Tax laws, financial deregulation, and economic
globalization have siphoned money into the hands of corporations and
the very rich, forcing everyone else to borrow in order to meet
basic needs. Municipalities and regional governments now must borrow
to provide the services that tax revenues once funded before
industry fled to the places of least regulation and lowest wages in
the global “race to the bottom.” Students now must borrow to attend
universities that were once heavily subsidized by government.
Stagnant wages force families to borrow just to
live. The rising tide of debt cannot be explained by a rising tide
of laziness or irresponsibility. The debt is systemic and
inescapable. It isn’t fair, and people know it. As the concept of
illegitimate debts spreads, the moral compulsion to repay them will
wane, and new forms of debt resistance will emerge. Indeed, they
already are in places most affected by the economic crisis, such as
Spain, where a strong anti-eviction movement challenges the
legitimacy of mortgage debt and has just gotten an activist elected
mayor of Barcelona.
As the recent drama in Greece has shown us,
though, isolated acts of resistance are easily crushed. Standing
alone, Greece faced a stark choice: either capitulate to the
European institutions and enact austerity measures even more
punishing than those its people rejected in the referendum or suffer
the sudden destruction of its banks. Since the latter would entail a
humanitarian catastrophe, the Syriza government chose to capitulate.
Nonetheless, Greece rendered the world an important service by
making the fact of debt slavery plain, as well as revealing the
power of undemocratic institutions such as the European Central Bank
to dictate domestic economic policy.
Besides direct resistance, people are finding ways
to live outside the conventional financial system and, in the
process, prefigure what might replace it. Complementary currencies,
time banks, direct-to-consumer farm cooperatives, legal aid
cooperatives, gift economy networks, tool libraries, medical
cooperatives, child care cooperatives, and other forms of economic
cooperation are proliferating in Greece and Spain, in many cases
recalling traditional forms of communalism that still exist in
societies that aren’t fully modernized.
Debt is a potent rallying issue because of its
ubiquity and its psychological gravity. Unlike climate change, which
is easy to relegate to theoretical importance when, after all, the
supermarkets are still full of food and the air conditioner is still
running, debt affects the lives of growing numbers of people
directly and undeniably: a yoke, a burden, a constant constraint on
their freedom. Three-quarters of Americans carry some form of debt.
Student debt stands at more than $1.3 trillion in the United States
and averages more than $33,000 per graduating student.
Municipalities around the country are cutting services to the bone,
laying off employees, and slashing pensions. Why? To make payments
on their debts. The same is true of entire nations, as creditors—and
the financial markets that drive them—tighten their death grip on
southern Europe, Latin America, Africa, and the rest of the world.
Most people need little persuading that debt has become a tyrant
over their lives.
What is harder for them to see, though, is that
they could ever be free of their debts, which are often described as
“inescapable” or “crushing.” That is why even the most modest
challenges to debt legitimacy, such as the aforementioned citizen
audits, have revolutionary implications. They cast into question the
certainty of debt. If one debt can be nullified, maybe all of them
can—not only for nations but for municipalities, school districts,
hospitals, and people too. That’s why the European authorities made
such a humiliating example of Greece—they needed to maintain the
principle of inviolability of debt. That’s also why hundreds of
billions of dollars were used to bail out the creditors who made bad
loans in the run-up to the 2008 financial crisis, but not a penny
was spent bailing out the debtors.
Not only does debt have the potential to be a
rallying point of near-universal appeal, it also happens to be a
unique political pressure point. That’s because the results of mass
debt resistance would be catastrophic for the financial system. The
Lehman Brothers collapse in 2008 demonstrated that the system is so
highly leveraged and so tightly interconnected that even a small
disruption can cascade into a massive systemic crisis. Moreover,
“won’t pay” is a form of protest easily accessible to the atomized
digital citizen who has been sundered from most forms of political
association; arguably, it is the only form of digital action that
has much real-world impact. No street protests are necessary, no
confrontations with riot police, to stop payment on a credit card or
student loan. The financial system is vulnerable to a few million
mouse clicks. Herein lies a resolution to the dilemma posed by
Silvia Federici in the South Atlantic Quarterly: “Instead of work,
exploitation, and above all ‘bosses,’ so prominent in the world of
smoke stacks, we now have debtors confronting not an employer but a
bank and confronting it alone, not as part of a collective body and
collective relation, as was the case with wage workers.” So let’s
organize and spread awareness. We needn’t confront the banks, the
bond markets, or the financial system alone.
What should be the ultimate goal of the debt
resistance movement? The systemic nature of the debt problem implies
that none of the policy proposals that are realistic or reachable in
the present political environment are worth pursuing. Reducing rates
on student loans, offering mortgage relief, reining in payday
lending, or reducing debt in the Global South might be politically
feasible, but by mitigating the worst abuses of the system, they
make that system slightly more tolerable and imply that the problem
is not the system—we just need to fix these abuses.
Conventional redistributive
strategies, such as higher marginal income tax
rates, also face limitations, mostly because they
don’t address the deep root of the debt crisis: the
slowdown of economic growth worldwide, or, as a
Marxist would put it, the falling return on capital.
More and more economists are joining a distinguished
lineage that includes Herman Daly, E.F. Schumacher,
and even (though this is little known) John Maynard
Keynes to argue that we are nearing the end of
growth—primarily, but not only, for ecological
reasons. When growth stalls, lending opportunities
disappear. Since money is essentially lent into
existence, debt levels increase faster than the
supply of money required to service them. The
result, as Thomas Piketty described so clearly, is
rising indebtedness and concentration of wealth.
The aforementioned policy proposals
have a further defect as well: They are so moderate
they have little potential to inspire a mass popular
movement. Reduced interest rates or other
incremental reforms are not going to arouse an
apathetic and disillusioned citizenry. Recall the
Nuclear Freeze movement of the 1980s: Widely decried
as naïve and unrealistic by establishment liberals,
it generated a vocal and committed movement that
contributed to the climate of opinion behind the
START agreements of the Reagan era. The economic
reform movements need something equally simple,
graspable, and appealing. What about the
cancellation of all student debt? What about a
jubilee, a fresh start for mortgage debtors, student
debtors, and debtor nations?
The problem is that canceling the
debts means erasing the assets upon which our entire
financial system depends. These assets are at the
basis of your pension fund, the solvency of your
bank, and grandma’s savings account. Indeed, a
savings account is nothing other than a debt owed
you by your bank. To prevent chaos, some entity has
to buy the debts for cash, and then cancel those
debts (in full or in part, or perhaps just reduce
the interest rate to zero). Fortunately, there are
deeper and more elegant alternatives to conventional
redistributive strategies. I’ll mention two of the
most promising: “positive money” and
negative-interest currency.
Both of these entail a fundamental
change in the way money is created. Positive money
refers to money created directly without debt by the
government, which can be given directly to debtors
for debt repayment or used to purchase debts from
creditors and then cancel them. Negative-interest
currency (which I describe in depth in Sacred
Economics) entails a liquidity fee on bank reserves,
essentially taxing wealth at its source. It enables
zero-interest lending, reduces wealth concentration,
and allows a financial system to function in the
absence of growth.
Radical proposals such as these
bear in common a recognition that money, like
property and debt, is a sociopolitical construct. It
is a social agreement mediated by symbols: numbers
on slips of paper, bits in computers. It is not an
immutable feature of reality to which we can but
adapt. The agreements that we call money and debt
can be changed. To do so, however, will require a
movement that contests the immutability of the
current system and explores alternatives to it.
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