War Begets War Refugees: The Moral Bankruptcy
of Italy and NATO
By Ramzy Baroud
August 20, 2015 "Information
Clearing House" -
On April 26, 2011,
a meeting that can only be described as sinister took place
between the then Italian Prime Minister, Silvio Berlusconi, and
French President, Nicolas Sarkozy. The most pressing issue discussed
at the meeting in Rome was how to deal with African immigrants.
Sarkozy, who was under pressure from his
right-wing and far-right constituencies to halt immigration
originating from North Africa (resulting from the Tunisian
uprising), desired to strike a deal with the opportunistic Italian
leader. In exchange for an Italian agreement to join a French
initiative aimed at tightening border control (Italy being accused
of allowing immigrants to cross through its borders to the rest of
Europe), France, in turn, would resolve major disputes involving a
series of takeovers, involving French and Italian companies.
Moreover, Italy would then secure French support for a bid by
Italian Economist and Banker, Mario Draghi, to become the Head of
the European Central Bank.
Another point on the French agenda was active
Italian participation in the war on Libya, initially spearheaded by
France, Britain and the United States, and later championed by NATO.
Initially,
Berlusconi hesitated to take part in the war, although certainly
not for any moral reasons: for example, because the war was
deliberately based on a misconstrued interpretation of United
Nations Security Council Resolution 1973 of March 17, 2011. The
Resolution called for an ‘immediate ceasefire’, the establishment of
a ‘no-fly zone’ and using all means, except foreign occupation, to
‘protect civilians’. The war, however, achieved entirely different
objectives from the ones stated in the Resolution. It achieved a
regime change, the bloody capture and murder of Libyan leader,
Muammar al-Qaddafi, and resulted in a bloodbath in which thousands
of civilians were killed, and continue to die, due to the chaos and
civil war that has gripped Libya since then.
Berlusconi’s change of heart had little to do with
common sense and much to do with oil and gas. He was walking a tight
rope. On one hand, about a quarter of Italy’s oil was imported from
Libya, in addition to nearly 10 percent of the country’s natural
gas. Destabilizing Libya could interrupt the flow of Libyan energy
supplies, at a time when Italy was desperately attempting to recover
from its deep economic recession.
On the other hand, having France (which seemed to
be in the mood for intervention because, following the Libya war,
France marched on to Mali) hold all the cards in Libya could be
devastating for Italy. “The Franco-Italian spat over immigration
follows sharp differences over Libya, where Rome has been dragged
into a war it would rather avoid, fearing a Paris-Benghazi nexus
will freeze out its substantial interests in Libyan oil and gas,”
the Financial Times reported at the time.
The successful meeting between the two leaders
paved the way for Italian intervention, which took part in earnest
in the war on Libya on April 28. Meanwhile, France kept its part of
the bargain, and on November 1 of that same year, Mario Draghi
succeeded Jean-Claude Trichet as the President of the European
Central Bank.
Both countries benefited, albeit Libya was
destroyed.
It is difficult to imagine that Berlusconi, a
repulsive and corrupt politician even by the low standards of
Italian politics, operated on the basis of any moral standards,
aside from personal gains and self-interest. Indeed, neither his
‘friendship’ with Libyan long-time ruler, Qaddafi, nor the many
perks and massive profits he received from Libya were enough to
honor his commitment not to participate in a war that was clearly
not aimed at saving lives, but maintaining access to Libya’s energy
supplies.
Equally interesting is the fact that UNSC
Resolution 1973 was promoted by its supporters as one aimed at
protecting civilians from an imminent massacre about to be carried
by the Libyan Army in Benghazi. Regardless of what Qaddafi’s
intentions were, the NATO war resulted in untold suffering among
Libyan civilians on three different fronts:
First, thousands of Libyans were killed and
wounded as a direct result of NATO’s intervention; second, the war
turned Libya into warring fiefdoms, armed and supported by regional
and international powers. The hundreds of militias that exist in
Libya today have deprived Libyans of any sense of security, and
exposed the civilian population to a war reality that, seemingly,
has no end in sight. Third, thousands of Libyans, or Africans who
once called Libya home, found themselves fleeing the war using every
means of transport possible. Tens of thousands of them sought refuge
in Europe, while thousands died trying.
Few in the Italian Government would care to
remember their country’s role in the war on Libya which, despite
early hesitation, was embraced with utmost enthusiasm. The refugees
who are lucky enough to make it to Italy’s shores are constantly
demonized by Italian media and
perceived as a burden on the still-struggling Italian economy.
What they forget is that, thanks to Libya’s reasonably-priced and
cheaply transported oil and gas, the Italian economy was kept afloat
for years. The poor refugees are not as much of a burden on Italy’s
economy as Italy was a burden on Libya; in fact, on the whole of
Africa.
Libya was colonized by Italy from 1911 to 1943,
and was driven out along with its German Nazi partners by local
resistance and eventually by the Allies in World War II. It was not
until 1998 that Italy apologized for the sins of colonizing the
country, which came at a terribly high price of death and
destruction. Yet, eleven years later, the supposedly remorseful
Italy was bombing Libya once more to ensure the flow of cheap oil
and to keep African immigrants and refugees at bay.
Neither was the bloody 2011 war an exception. Four
years after that war, Italy once more began
calling for another war on Libya for, clearly, the desired
objectives of the first war have not been met: immigrants and
refugees, despite high risks and a mounting death toll, continued to
pour into Italy and the flow of oil and gas has been disrupted by a
civil war among Libya’s NATO allies. But there is another factor,
according to
Marianne Arens: “The sabre-rattling over Libya also serves to
divert attention from the growing domestic social and political
tensions” in Italy itself.
The relationship between war and the
rising challenge of refugees, immigrants and asylum seekers cannot
be overstated. It is both ironic and sad that the many thousands
of war refugees are seeking shelter in the
same European and NATO countries that either directly (as in
Libya, Iraq, Afghanistan) or indirectly (as in Syria) contributed to
the destruction and destabilization of their countries.
Even Greece, which is
displaying
little patience or regard for humanitarian laws in its treatment
of the many thousands of refugees coming from Syria, Iraq and
Afghanistan, via Turkey,
took part, although in a minor role, in the war in Libya (2011)
and provided assistance to the US-led war on Iraq (2003).
While one strongly sympathizes with Greece as it
stands on the verge of bankruptcy and having just reached a deal
with the EU that could keep the impoverished country solvent for the
coming months, one cannot fathom the mistreatment of innocent
Syrians and Iraqis as they brave the sea to escape the hellish wars
back home. The Greeks, who suffered terrible wars in the past,
should know this more than anyone else. The scenes from the islands
of Lesbos and Kos are heartbreaking, to say the least.
However, the countries that should be confronted
most about their moral responsibility towards war refugees are those
who ignited these wars in the first place. While
Libya continues to
descend into chaos, and Syria and Iraq subsist in a state of
bedlam, both France and Britain discuss the problem of refugees
attempting to cross into both countries as if the refugees are
swarms of locusts, not innocent people who were victimized mostly by
US-European wars. Meanwhile, the US, geographically removed from the
refugee crisis, seems unconcerned by the chaotic scenes of desperate
refugees, capsizing boats, and pleading families.
Those who wage war should, at least, shoulder part
of the moral responsibility of addressing the horrible consequences
that armed conflict inflicts upon innocent people. The Italian
example shows how economic interests trump morality, and not a
single NATO country, Turkey included, is innocent.
Now that the
refugee crisis is worsening, it behooves NATO to deal with the
problem, at least with a
degree of humanity and – dare one say – with the same enthusiasm
that led it to several devastating wars in recent years.
Dr. Ramzy Baroud has been writing about the
Middle East for over 20 years. He is an internationally-syndicated
columnist, a media consultant, an author of several books and the
founder of
PalestineChronicle.com. His latest book is My Father Was a
Freedom Fighter: Gaza’s Untold Story (Pluto Press, London). His
website is:
www.ramzybaroud.net.