100 Years Ago, The U.S.
Invaded And Occupied This Country. Can You Name It?
By Ishaan Tharoor
August 01, 2015 "Information
Clearing House"
-
"WP"
- A century ago, American troops invaded and occupied a foreign
nation. They would stay there for almost two decades, install a
client government, impose new laws and fight insurgents in bloody
battles on difficult terrain. Thousands of residents perished during
what turned out to be 19 years of de facto U.S. rule.
The country was Haiti, the Caribbean nation that's
often seen by outsiders as a metaphor for poverty and disaster.
Yet rarely are Americans
confronted with their own hand in its misfortunes.
On Tuesday, a group of protesters
marched to the U.S. Embassy in the Haitian capital
Port-au-Prince in commemoration of the grim legacy of the U.S.
occupation, which began in July 1915 after President Woodrow Wilson
used political chaos and violence in the country as grounds to
intervene. Some in Washington feared the threat of competing French
and German interests in the Caribbean.
The liberal, democratic values Wilson so famously
championed in Europe were not so visible in Haiti, a largely
black republic that since its
independence from France a century earlier had been regarded
with fear and contempt by America's white ruling classes. "Think of
it! N------s speaking French,"
quipped William Jennings Bryan, Wilson's secretary of state, in
a chilling echo of the Jim Crow-era bigotry of the time.
Though framed as an attempt to bring stability to
an unstable, benighted land, the United States "also wanted to make
sure that the Haitian government was compatible to American economic
interests and friendly to foreign investment,"
writes Laurent Dubois, a Duke University academic and author of
"Haiti: The Aftershocks of History."
"In Haiti, the reality of American actions sharply
contradicted the gloss of [American leaders'] liberal
protestations,"
wrote the historian Hans Schmidt, whose
1971 book on the U.S. occupation is still a widely cited text.
"Racist preconceptions, reinforced by the current debasement of
Haiti's political institutions, placed the Haitians far below levels
Americans considered necessary for democracy, self-government, and
constitutionalism."
It was also a moment where Washington did little
to disguise its sense of imperial entitlement in the neighborhood. A
number of fledgling governments in the Caribbean and Central
America all suffered U.S. invasions and the imposition of policies
favorable to American strategic interests and big business.
Banana republics didn't just spring up on their own.
Here's
a summation of events in Haiti from the U.S. State Department's
Office of the Historian:
The United States gained complete control over
Haitian finances, and the right to intervene in Haiti whenever
the U.S. Government deemed necessary. The U.S. Government also
forced the election of a new pro-American President, Philippe
Sudré Dartiguenave, by the Haitian legislature in August 1915.
The selection of a President that did not represent the choice
of the Haitian populace increased unrest in Haiti.
Following the successful manipulation of the
1915 elections, the Wilson administration attempted to
strong-arm the Haitian legislature into adopting a new
constitution in 1917. This constitution allowed foreign land
ownership, which had been outlawed since the Haitian Revolution
as a way to prevent foreign control of the country. Extremely
reluctant to change the long-standing law, the legislature
rejected the new constitution. Law-makers began drafting a new
anti-American constitution, but the United States forced
President Dartiguenave dissolve the legislature, which did not
meet again until 1929.
Particularly in 1919 and 1920, rebel uprisings
sought to dislodge U.S. influence on the island. The revolts were in
part spurred by the heavy-handed practices of the American
occupation, which included segregation and enforced chain gangs to
build roads and other construction projects. There was
brutal suppression, according to eyewitness accounts.
"Military camps have been built throughout the
island. The property of natives has been taken for military use.
Haitians carrying a gun were for a time shot at sight. Many Haitians
not carrying guns were also shot at sight,"
wrote Herbert Seligman in the Nation magazine in 1920. "Machine
guns have been turned into crowds of unarmed natives, and United
States marines have, by accounts which several of them gave me in
casual conversation, not troubled to investigate how many were
killed or wounded."
Dubois
cites one notorious image taken by a U.S. marine of the slain
Haitian rebel Charlemagne Peralte, strung up naked in a loin cloth.
The photo was disseminated across the island as a warning against
insurgency, but instead — with its haunting evocation of the
crucifixion — became "an icon of resistance."
The Haitian-American author Edwidge Dandicat
writes further on the memory of the violence:
One of the stories my grandfather’s oldest
son, my uncle Joseph, used to tell was of watching a group of
young Marines kicking around a man’s decapitated head in an
effort to frighten the rebels in their area. There are more
stories still. Of the Marines’ boots sounding like Galipot, a
fabled three-legged horse, which all children were supposed to
fear. Of the black face that the Marines wore to blend in and
hide from view. Of the time U.S. Marines assassinated one of the
occupation’s most famous fighters, Charlemagne Péralte, and
pinned his body to a door, where it was left to rot in the sun
for days.
To be sure, the U.S. occupation wasn't all
bloodshed and brutality. Haiti's infrastructure was
considerably improved, its education system revamped, and
Port-au-Prince was turned into a teeming metropolitan center. But
the lengthy 19-year-period of domination is hardly remembered with
fondness.
"The American occupation was a failure," said
Herold Toussaint, a professor at the State University of Haiti, in
an interview with
the Miami Herald. "There was stability of [the domestic
currency] and they diminished corruption in the public
administration. But the objective they had, friendly relations
between Haiti and the U.S., didn't happen."
As the journalist Jonathan Katz details in
his book on Haiti's long, miserable experience with foreign
aid and intervention, the Americans left behind a new template
for inequity and misrule."After the
United States left in 1934, their successors continued
bolstering [Port-au-Prince's] control over rural politics,
expropriating peasant land for factories that produced
commodities for the United States and stifling dissent using the
army the Americans created," Katz writes.
In 1933, Smedley Butler, a former general in
the U.S. Marine Corps,
spoke
with uncommon venom about the role his troops played in
Haiti and beyond:
I spent thirty-three years and four months
in active military service as a member of this country's
most agile military force, the Marine Corps. I served in all
commissioned ranks from Second Lieutenant to Major-General.
And during that period, I spent most of my time being a high
class muscle-man for Big Business, for Wall Street and for
the Bankers. In short, I was a racketeer, a gangster for
capitalism ... I helped make Haiti and Cuba a decent place
for the National City Bank boys to collect revenues in. I
helped in the raping of half a dozen Central American
republics for the benefits of Wall Street.
"During those years, I had, as the boys in the
back room would say, a swell racket,"
concluded Butler. "Looking back on it, I feel that I could
have given Al Capone a few hints."
Ishaan Tharoor writes about foreign affairs for
The Washington Post. He previously was a senior editor at TIME,
based first in Hong Kong and later in New York.