“My father made him an offer
he couldn’t refuse. Luca Brasi held a gun to his
head and my father assured him that either his
brains, or his signature, would be on the contract.”
— The Godfather (1972)
July 31, 2015 "Information
Clearing House"
- In the modern global banking
system, all banks need a credit line with the central
bank in order to be part of the payments system. Choking
off that credit line was a form of blackmail the Greek
government couldn’t refuse.
Former Greek finance minister Yanis
Varoufakis is now being charged
with treason for exploring the possibility of an
alternative payment system in the event of a Greek exit
from the euro. The irony of it all was underscored
by Raúl Ilargi Meijer, who opined in a July 27th blog:
The fact that these things were
taken into consideration doesn’t mean Syriza was
planning a coup . . . . If you want a coup, look
instead at the Troika having wrestled control over
Greek domestic finances. That’s a coup if you ever
saw one.
Let’s have an independent
commission look into how on earth it is possible
that a cabal of unelected movers and shakers gets
full control over the entire financial structure of
a democratically elected eurozone member government.
By all means, let’s see the legal arguments for
this.
So how was that coup pulled off? The
answer seems to be through extortion. The European
Central Bank threatened to turn off the liquidity that
all banks – even solvent ones – need to maintain their
day-to-day accounting balances. That threat was made
good in the run-up to the Greek referendum, when the ECB
did turn off the liquidity tap and Greek banks had to
close their doors. Businesses were left without supplies
and pensioners without food. How was that apparently
criminal act justified? Here is the rather tortured
reasoning of ECB President Mario
Draghi at a press conference on July 16:
There is an article in the
[Maastricht] Treaty that says that basically the ECB
has the responsibility to promote the smooth
functioning of the payment system. But this has to
do with . . . the distribution of notes, coins. So
not with the provision of liquidity, which actually
is regulated by a different provision, in Article
18.1 in the ECB Statute: “In order to achieve the
objectives of the ESCB [European System of Central
Banks], the ECB and the national central banks may
conduct credit operations with credit institutions
and other market participants, with lending based on
adequate collateral.” This is the Treaty provision.
But our operations were not monetary policy
operations, but ELA [Emergency Liquidity Assistance]
operations, and so they are regulated by a separate
agreement, which makes explicit reference to the
necessity to have sufficient collateral. So, all in
all, liquidity provision has never been
unconditional and unlimited. [Emphasis added.]
In a July 23rd post on Naked
Capitalism, Nathan Tankus calls this “a truly shocking
statement.” Why? Because all banks rely on their central
banks to settle payments with other banks. “If the
smooth functioning of the payments system is defined as
the ability of depository institutions to clear
payments,” says Tankus, “the central bank must ensure
that settlement balances are available at some price.”
How the Payments System Works
The role of the central bank in the
payments system is explained
by the Bank for International Settlements like this:
One of the principal functions of
central banks is to be the guardian of public
confidence in money, and this confidence depends
crucially on the ability of economic agents to
transmit money and financial instruments smoothly
and securely through payment and settlement systems.
. . . [C]entral banks provide a safe settlement
asset and in most cases they operate systems which
allow for the transfer of that settlement asset.
Internationally before 1971, this
“settlement asset” was gold. Later, it became electronic
“settlement balances” or “reserves” maintained at the
central bank. Today, when money travels by check from
Bank A to Bank B, the central bank settles the transfer
simply by adjusting the banks’ respective reserve
balances, subtracting from one and adding to the other.
Checks continue to fly back and forth
all day. If a bank’s reserve account comes up short at
the end of the day, the central bank treats it as an
automatic overdraft in the bank’s reserve account,
effectively lending the bank the money in the form of
electronic “liquidity” until the overdraft can be
cleared. The bank can cure the deficit by attracting new
deposits or by borrowing from another bank with excess
reserves; and if the whole system is short of reserves,
the central bank creates more to maintain the liquidity
of the system.
The most dramatic exercise of this
liquidity function was seen after the banking crisis of
2008, when credit was frozen and banks had largely
stopped lending to each other. The US Federal Reserve
then stepped in and advanced over $16 trillion to
financial institutions through the TAF (Term Asset
Facility), the TALF (Term Asset-backed Securities Loan
Facility), and similar facilities, at near-zero
interest. Toxic unmarketable assets were converted into
“good collateral” so the banks could remain solvent and
keep their doors open.
Liquidity as a Tool of
Coercion
That is how the Fed sees its role, but
the ECB evidently has other ideas about this liquidity
tool. Whether a country’s banks are allowed to “access
monetary policy operations” is seen by the ECB not as
mandatory but as discretionary with the central bank.
And as a condition of that access, if a country’s bonds
are “below investment grade,” the country must be under
an IMF program — meaning it must subject itself to
forced austerity measures. According to ECB Vice
President Constâncio at the same press conference:
[W]hen a country has a rating
which is below the investment grade which is the
minimum, then to access monetary policy operations,
it has to have a waiver. And the waiver is granted
if there are two conditions. The first condition is
that the country must be under a programme with the
EU and IMF; and second, we have to assess that there
is credible compliance with such a programme.
[Emphasis added]
Liquidity is provided only on
“adequate collateral” — usually government bonds. But
whether the bonds are “adequate” is not determined by
their market price. Rather, political concessions are
demanded. The government must sell off public assets,
slash public services, lay off public workers, and
subject its fiscal policies to oversight by unelected
bureaucrats who can dictate
every line item in the national budget.
Tankus observes:
Europe now has a system where
liquidity and insolvency problems can occur and can
be deliberately generated (at least in part) by the
central bank. Then the Troika can force that country
into an “IMF program” if it wants to continue having
a functioning banking system. Alternatively, the
central bank can choose to simply “suspend
convertibility” to the unit of account [i.e. cut off
the supply of Euros] and force the write down of
deposits [haircuts and bail-ins] until the banks are
solvent again.
Pushed to the Cliff by the
Financial Mafia
Were liquidity and insolvency problems
intentionally generated in Greece’s case, as Tankus
suggests? Let’s review.
First there was the derivatives
scheme sold
to Greece by Goldman Sachs in 2001, which nearly
doubled the nation’s debt by 2005.
Then there was the bank-induced credit
crisis of 2008, when the
ECB coerced Greeceto bail out its insolvent private
banks, throwing the country itself into bankruptcy.
This was followed in late 2009 by the intentional
overstatement of Greece’s debt by a Eurostat agent
who was later tried criminally for it, triggering the
first bailout and accompanying austerity measures.
The Greek prime minister was later
replaced with an unelected technocrat, former governor
of the Bank of Greece and later vice president of the
ECB, who refused
a debt restructuring and instead oversaw a second
massive bailout and further austerity measures. An estimated
90% of the bailout money went right back into the
coffers of the banks.
In December 2014, Goldman
Sachs warned the Greek Parliament that central bank
liquidity could be cut off if the Syriza Party were
elected. When it was elected in January, the ECB made
good on the threat, cutting bank liquidity to a trickle.
When Prime Minister Tsipras called a
public referendum in July at which the voters rejected
the brutal austerity being imposed on them, the ECB
shuttered the banks.
The Greek government was thus broken
Mafia-style at the knees, until it was forced to abandon
its national sovereignty and watch its public treasures
sold off piece by piece. Suspicious minds might infer
that this was a calculated plot designed from the
beginning to throw Greece’s prized assets onto the
auction block, a hostile takeover and asset stripping
for the benefit of those well-heeled entities in a
position to purchase them, including the very banks,
hedge funds and speculators instrumental in driving up
Greek debt and destroying the economy.
No Sovereignty Without Control
Over Currency and Credit
In the taped
conference call for which Yanis Varoufakis is
currently facing treason charges, he exposed the trap
that eurozone countries are now in. It seems there is
virtually no legal way to break free of the euro and the
domination of the troika. The government has no access
to the critical data files of its own banks, which are
controlled by the ECB.
Varoufakis said this should alarm
every EU government. As Canadian Prime Minister William
Lyon Mackenzie King warned in 1935:
Once a nation parts with the
control of its currency and credit, it matters not
who makes the nation’s laws. Usury, once in
control, will wreck any nation.
For a nation to regain control of its
currency and credit, it needs a central bank with a
mandate to serve the interests of the nation. Banking
should be a public utility, serving the economy and the
people.