Why Republicans Oppose the Iran Agreement: Follow
the Money
By Jeff FauxJuly
31, 2015 "Information
Clearing House"
-
"Huffington
Post"
-
By any sensible measure, our country's highest
foreign policy priority is halting the spread of nuclear weapons.
Given our size and military might, we Americans
are safe from outside invasion for as far into the future as anyone
can possible see. But we are clearly vulnerable to terrorist
attacks. And the more nuclear weapons there are in the world, the
greater the chance that a future suicide bomber strolling through
one of our cities will be carrying a nuclear device in his or her
backpack.
Unfortunately, non-proliferation has long taken a
back seat to less important drivers of our geopolitics. Thus, for
example, in order to keep good relations with Israel and Pakistan,
successive US governments provided both countries with billions in
military aid while they built nuclear weapons and refused to sign
the international non-proliferation agreement. Today, Pakistan's
government - corrupt and potentially unstable - is the major source
of nuclear weapon technology dribbling out into the world.
Yet, now, when we finally have an opportunity to stop a hostile
nation from acquiring true weapons of mass destruction, Republican
Party leaders have vowed to kill it. A few hours after Barack
Obama's nuclear agreement with Iran was announced and before they
had time to read the text, House speaker John Boehner and a chorus
of GOP luminaries declared their opposition.
Aside from their hysterical references to Obama as
Neville Chamberlain and the Iranian president as Adolf Hitler,
Republicans say they oppose the agreement for two reasons. First, it
will not succeed. Second, it will succeed.
It won't succeed, they say, because the Iranians
will try to cheat. Possibly. But this is the tightest, most
enforceable nuclear agreement ever. Iran has agreed to intrusive
inspections and, if they are in violation, to "snapback" provisions
that will automatically restore the economic sanctions that drove it
to make the deal in the first place. Obama's agreement is based on
the same principle Ronald Reagan followed when he signed the 1987
treaty with the Soviet Union for mutual reduction of nuclear missile
arsenals: "Trust, but verify."
On the question of trust, the Iranians have had to
take their own leap of faith. We are, after all, the nation that in
1953 engineered the overthrow of their democratically elected leader
and imposed a despotic king - and in the 1970s provided that king
with nuclear technology. In 1980, we supported Saddam Hussein's
attack on Iran, igniting an eight-year war that killed over a
million Iranians. In 1988, we shot down an Iranian passenger plane
over Iranian territory murdering 290 civilians, including 66
children, for which we have never even apologized. We then turned on
Hussein, plunging the Middle East into its current nightmare of
killing, destruction and terror. Not exactly a record to inspire
confidence.
Well, if you are not convinced by their first
argument, the Republicans have another: the agreement is bad because
it will succeed, i.e., lifting economic sanctions, says Boehner,
"will embolden Iran - the world's largest sponsor of terror - by
helping stabilize and legitimatize its regime as it spreads even
more violence and instability to the region."
Iran certainly supports some bad actors in the
Middle East drama. But by far the greatest support for terrorism
against the United States has come not from our "enemy" Shiite
Iran, but from our Sunni allies -- Saudi Arabia and the Gulf oil
sheikdoms, whose royal families have bankrolled the Taliban, Al
Qaeda, and provided at least start-up funds for ISIS, in their holy
war against the Shiites.
No doubt, ending the embargo will make it easier
for Iran to pursue its interests in the region. That's why the
Saudis and Israelis say they oppose it. But from the point of view
of Americans' security, that risk pales beside the risk of
nuclear proliferation. So whose priorities are the Republicans
serving?
Moreover, they have no alternative. The notion
that a new Republican president - Trump? Bush? Walker? Rubio?
Huckabee? (The current leaders in the polls) - could by virtue of
their superior knowledge of the Persian mind strike a better deal
does not pass the laugh test.
But this is no laughing matter. Time is not on our
side. Failure to conclude this agreement now will destroy the
political influence of Iran's moderates, guaranteeing an all-out
acceleration of Tehran's nuclear bomb program. And the only way to
stop that, would be war, which, among other disastrous consequences,
would vastly expand the pool of volunteers for suicide missions
within the US.
Clearly, the Republican opposition is not driven
by thought-through national security considerations. What then is
motivating them?
The common answer is "partisanship". The
Republicans, so the story goes, hate Barack Obama and are determined
to deny him any success. But if that was the case, how do we explain
the overwhelming Republican support for the President's trade bill,
the Trans-Pacific Partnership, upon which he bet so much of his
personal political capital? Not only did they back Obama's proposal,
the Republicans even denied themselves, as the majority party, the
right to amend any deal he brings back from his secret negotiations
with eleven foreign countries?
To understand why the Republicans support Obama on
the trade treaty but not the nuclear treaty, follow the money. On
trade, the GOP was serving the interests of its big business
contributors who want to produce for US markets in places where
labor is cheap and regulation is weak.
On the Iranian treaty, the Republicans are
carrying the water for another group of financiers. One is the
so-called Israeli lobby, which in the last few years has
dramatically shifted away from the Democrats to the Republicans.
Major contributors, such as casino magnate Sheldon Adelson, are in
strategic alliance with the rightwing Koch Brothers and Christian
fundamentalist constituencies that until recently were openly
anti-Semitic. Adelson alone contributed almost $100 million dollars
to conservatives in the last presidential election, and will be
putting up even more this time
Actually, the Iran accord is likely to be in the
interest of the Israeli people. Its net effect will be to intensify
the Shiite-Sunni conflict, diverting the energies of Middle Eastern
Muslim countries away from their quarrel with Israel. But with some
exceptions, the major American Jewish political funders take their
cue from Israeli leader Benjamin Netanyahu, who has made a career of
demonizing the Iranians, and is now, in effect, the de facto leader
for foreign affairs of the Republican Party.
Other, less well-known sources of money to defeat
the Iranian accord are the Gulf oil sheikdoms. In addition to
funding terrorists, their monies flow generously to Washington's
lobbying firms, think-tanks, journalists and, of course politicians
running for office. An ex-Republican senator who heads one of the
largest super PACs in America is a registered lobbyist for Saudi
Arabia.
The Gulf states get further leverage on American
politics through their close ties to the US oil and defense
industries, who, even after seven years of Democratic Party control
of the Energy and Defense Departments, still contribute more to
Republican candidates.
The influence of money on domestic policymaking is
generally acknowledged, although inadequately scrutinized, by the
media. Foreign policy disputes, however, are treated as more honest,
high-toned differences over strategic ideas, e.g., hawks versus
doves, realists versus idealists, interventionists versus
isolationists.
But in our globalized political economy, influence
peddling - for export or import -- no longer stops at the water's
edge. There is no reason to think that our foreign policy is immune
from the same corrupting financial considerations that shape our
domestic policy. In 2013 the top ten foreign countries, led by the
United Arab Emirates, spent $70 million (not including diplomatic
contacts) to influence Washington policymakers.
So, once you consider the money, the shallow
dim-wittedness of the Republican opposition to the Iranian nuclear
agreement becomes less of a mystery.
As Upton Sinclair once observed, "It's hard to get
a man to understand something when his salary depends upon his not
understanding."
Jeff Faux, author of The Servant Economy
Copyright ©2015
TheHuffingtonPost.com, Inc.
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