‘We Just Publish The Position Of The British
Government’
Edward Snowden, The Sunday Times And The Death Of Journalism
By Media Lens
June 16, 2015 "Information
Clearing House" - "Media
Lens" -
In the wake of the greatest crime of the
twenty-first century, the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003, you might
have thought that the days of passing off unattributed government
and intelligence pronouncements as 'journalism' would be over.
Apparently not. On June 14, the Sunday Times, owned by Rupert
Murdoch, published what has already become a classic of the genre
(behind a
paywall; full text
here).
The prominent front-page story was titled:
'British spies betrayed to Russians and Chinese; Missions aborted to
prevent spies being killed'. It sounded like an exciting plot for a
James Bond film. And the first line was suitably dramatic:
'Russia and China have cracked the top-secret
cache of files stolen by the fugitive US whistleblower Edward
Snowden, forcing MI6 to pull agents out of live operations in
hostile countries, according to senior officials in
Downing Street, the Home Office and the security services.'
(our emphasis)
What followed was a series of assertions from
faceless sources, backed by zero evidence and outright falsehoods.
Western intelligence agencies – famously
trustworthy and free of any hidden agenda - said they had 'been
forced into the rescue operations after Moscow gained access to more
than 1m classified files held by the former American security
contractor, who fled to seek protection from Vladimir Putin'. Anyone
seeking 'protection' from one of the world's 'Bad Guys' is, of
course, immediately deemed suspect.
'Senior government sources' claimed that 'China
had also cracked the encrypted documents', endangering British and
American spies. One senior Home Office official accused Snowden of
having 'blood on his hands', although Downing Street said there was
'no evidence of anyone being harmed'. The journalists appeared
unperturbed by the discrepancy and ploughed on.
More anonymous sources popped up: 'David Cameron's
aides confirmed', 'A senior Downing Street source said', 'said a
senior Home Office source', 'a British intelligence source said', 'A
US intelligence source said'. The only named source in the whole
piece was Sir David Omand, the former director of
GCHQ, the secretive agency that conducts mass surveillance for
the British intelligence services.
Taking as undisputed fact that Russia and China
had access to Snowden's material, Omand said that this:
'was a "huge strategic setback" that was
"harming" to Britain, America and their Nato allies.'
No other views were reported by the Sunday Times.
This was stenography, not journalism.
The article appeared under the bylines of Tom
Harper (the paper's home affairs correspondent), Richard Kerbaj
(security correspondent) and Tim Shipman (political editor). But it
was clearly prepared with major input from intelligence and
government sources with their own particular agendas. All of this
was, no doubt, given the all-clear by the paper's editor,
Martin Ivens.
BBC News echoed the Sunday Times article, with an
online piece
containing 'analysis' by BBC security correspondent Gordon Corera.
This supposed expert commentary was based on 'my understanding from
conversations over an extended period' and performed
his usual function of providing a conduit for the government
view. Some mild scepticism – 'a pinch of salt' - did filter through
to later versions of the BBC article as it was updated. But it was
shunted to the bottom of the piece, with no mention in the
introduction.
In summary, the Sunday Times article contained no
evidence for its anonymous claims, no challenges to the assertions
made, and no journalistic balance. It was almost inevitable, then,
that it would quickly fall apart under scrutiny.
The Opposite Of Journalism
Craig Murray, the former British diplomat,
responded promptly with a blog piece titled,
'Five Reasons the MI6 Story is a Lie'. One of these reasons,
Murray notes, is:
'The argument that MI6 officers are at danger
of being killed by the Russians or Chinese is a nonsense. No MI6
officer has been killed by the Russians or Chinese for 50 years.
The worst that could happen is they would be sent home.'
Another reason is the convenient timing, aimed at
providing a propaganda service for the alleged need for mass
surveillance by the intelligence services:
'This anti Snowden non-story ... is timed
precisely to coincide with the government's new Snooper's
Charter act, enabling the security services to access all our
internet activity.'
Ewen MacAskill, the Guardian's defence and
intelligence correspondent, raised a sceptical eyebrow, listing
'five questions for UK government'. Of course, the Guardian,
including MacAskill himself, has a history of channeling government
propaganda – not least during the great propaganda campaigns pushing
for the invasions of Iraq in 2003 and Libya in 2011. (Archive
of Media Lens media alerts, passim).
One of the most notorious examples of Sunday
Times-style state stenography occurred in 2007 when Pentagon
propaganda occupied the Guardian's front page under the title,
'Iran's secret plan for summer offensive to force US out of Iraq'.
As we
noted then, the piece by Simon Tisdall, a Guardian foreign
affairs specialist, was based almost entirely on unsupported
assertions by anonymous US officials. Indeed 22 of the 23 paragraphs
in the story relayed official US claims: over 95 per cent of the
article. It went like this:
'US officials say'; 'a senior US official in
Baghdad warned'; 'The official said'; 'the official said'; 'the
official said'; 'US officials now say'; 'the senior official in
Baghdad said'; 'he [the senior official in Baghdad] added'; 'the
official said'; 'the official said'; 'he [the official]
indicated'...
No less than 26 references to official
pronouncements formed the basis for a Guardian story presented with
no scrutiny, no balance, no counter-evidence; nothing. Remove the
verbiage described above and the Guardian front page news report was
essentially a Pentagon press release. (For other examples, see also:
'Real Men Go To Tehran' and
'An Existential Threat – the US, Israel and Iran'.)
The 'pushback' from Guardian journalists to the
Sunday Times article, then, has to be seen in the wider context of:
(a) Guardian complicity and journalistic cowardice in the face of
Western government propaganda over many years; (b) an opportunity
for liberal journalists to attack the corporate competition in the
form of a Murdoch newspaper and make themselves look good.
Returning to the Sunday Times piece, journalist
Ryan Gallagher, who writes for
The Intercept,
notes:
'the Sunday Times story raises more questions
than it answers, and more importantly it contains some pretty
dubious claims, contradictions, and inaccuracies. The most
astonishing thing about it is the total lack of scepticism it
shows for these grand government assertions, made behind a veil
of anonymity. This sort of credulous regurgitation of government
statements is antithetical to good journalism.'
But perhaps the most comprehensive demolition came
from Glenn Greenwald, the journalist who met Edward Snowden in Hong
Kong, and who was primarily responsible for bringing Snowden's
whistleblowing to public attention. Greenwald
writes:
'the entire report is a self-negating joke. It
reads like a parody I might quickly whip up in order to
illustrate the core sickness of western journalism.'
This 'sickness' is summed up by:
'the formula that shapes their brains:
anonymous self-serving government assertions = Truth.'
This is raw submission to power with the result
that:
'government officials know they can
propagandize the public at any time because subservient
journalists will give them anonymity to do so and will
uncritically disseminate and accept their claims.'
As Greenwald observes, there is a long history of
anonymous government accusations and smears being laundered through
the media whenever damaging information is revealed by
whistleblowers. Much the same happened in the Nixon era to Daniel
Ellsberg when he published the Pentagon Papers on the Vietnam War.
The US government tried to smear Ellsberg by asserting that he had
shared information with the Soviet Union. This was a lie.
Greenwald adds that there is 'a coordinated smear
campaign in Washington to malign Snowden'. The British government
and intelligence agencies are no doubt well aware of this, and happy
to be part of it. The Sunday Times smear job fits the pattern.
Greenwald then exposes what he calls an 'utter
lie'. The paper had stated:
'David Miranda, the boyfriend (sic – spousal
partner) of the Guardian journalist Glenn Greenwald, was seized
at Heathrow in 2013 in possession of 58,000 "highly classified"
intelligence documents after visiting Snowden in Moscow.'
In fact, as Greenwald points out:
'David did not visit Snowden in Moscow before
being detained. As of the time he was detained in Heathrow,
David had never been to Moscow and had never met Snowden. The
only city David visited on that trip before being detained was
Berlin, where he stayed in the apartment of [filmmaker] Laura
Poitras.'
The day after the Sunday Times piece was
published, observes Greenwald, the paper 'quietly deleted' the
offending paragraph:
'they just removed it from their story without
any indication or note to their readers that they've done so
(though it remains in the print edition and thus requires a
retraction). That's indicative of the standard of "journalism"
for the article itself. Multiple other falsehoods, and all sorts
of shoddy journalistic practices, remain thus far unchanged.'
The Sunday Times was clearly stung by Greenwald's
piece. The very next day, Murdoch's company News UK sent a letter to
First Look, the publisher of The Intercept where Greenwald's piece
had appeared, demanding that an image of the Sunday Times front page
be removed from the critical article. Greenwald
replied:
'No, @TheSundayTimes, we are not going to remove
the image of your humiliating headline from our story about it
https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/2101948-news-uk-dmca-notification-first-look-productions.html'
'We Just Don't Know' - Four Minutes Of Farcical Fumbling
Tom Harper, the lead reporter of the Sunday Times
article, appeared in a laugh-out-loud, four-minute
interview on CNN that should be shown to journalism students
from now until the end of eternity.
George Howell, the CNN interviewer, tried to find
out from Harper what his article was about, and what evidence he had
for the claims being made. Howell is no radical; but he didn't need
to be. By asking basic questions about the Sunday Times 'story', he
revealed the utter paucity of anything that could count as
journalism. Among a blizzard of 'ums' and 'ers', Harper could offer
little more than:
'Well, uh, I don't know, to be honest with
you, George'.
'All we know is that this is effectively the
official position of the British government'.
'Well, again, sorry to just repeat myself,
George, but we don't know'.
'Again, I'm afraid to disappoint you, we just
don't know'.
Adam Weinster of Gawker has helpfully provided a
complete transcript of the calamity interview
here. He adds ironically:
'it ended up being perhaps the clearest
vindication of Snowden's work to date.'
Journalist Ryan Gallagher neatly
sums up the CNN interview:
'How were the files breached? "I don't know."
Were the files hacked or did Snowden hand them over? "We don't
know." Were MI6 agents directly under threat? "We don't know."
How did the government know what was in the files? "That's not
something we're clear on." Can you substantiate the claims?
"No."'
Gallagher adds:
'The interview is quite extraordinary because
it makes absolutely clear that not only was this entire dubious
story based solely on claims made anonymously by government
officials, the reporters who regurgitated the claims did not
even seek to question the veracity of the information. They just
credulously accepted the allegations and then printed them
unquestioningly. That really is the definition of stenography
journalism — it's shameful.'
The Sunday Times approach was best
encapsulated when Harper made the mistake of admitting blankly
in the CNN interview:
'We just publish what we believe to be the
position of the British government'.
That epitaph may as well be engraved on the tomb
of British 'mainstream' journalism.
The 'Moral Equivalence' Argument Gets Another Airing
As noted earlier, the natural stance of BBC News
was to take the Sunday Times propaganda piece at face value, with a
smattering of cautious scepticism added later to the mix to simulate
'balanced' journalism. Andrew Marr
declared
on his Sunday morning BBC show: 'It has a certain plausibility about
it, however'. Of course, Marr has a long history in finding 'a
certain plausibility' in crass state propaganda, as was
seen when
he was the BBC's political editor during the invasion of Iraq.
On the flagship Radio 4 Today programme, the BBC's
structural bias was exposed yet again when Justin Webb made the
mistake of interviewing Glenn Greenwald, who knows what he's talking
about. (Today
link; expires 20 June 2015. Also archived on
YouTube.)
Webb presented the standard, propaganda-friendly
version of Snowden's courageous whistleblowing:
JW: 'A lot of people [are] saying, whatever
you think of Edward Snowden, he has drawn people's attention to
something that needed to have its attention drawn to it. But the
other side of that ledger – it would be reasonable to assume,
wouldn't it? – is that he has given away secrets that have been
useful to people who want to do harm to other perfectly innocent
people. I just wonder if you accept that those are the two sides
of it, and that's what we've all got to live with?'
GG: 'No, I think you just made that up, what
you just said [JW laughs in shock]. Edward Snowden has not given
any documents or any information to anybody, except for
journalists with major media organisations. So if the New York
Times or the Guardian or the Washington Post has published a
story that you think shouldn't have been published, your quarrel
is with them. Edward Snowden didn't disclose any documents. He
went to journalists and gave the documents to journalists and
said, "I want you to work in order to find the ones in the
public interest that the public ought to know."'
In the interview, Webb also asked Greenwald:
'I mean you are not suggesting that President
Putin's government is on a par in its support of democracy and
human rights with the United States or Britain, or are you?'
Greenwald responded:
'I'm pretty sure that it wasn't Russia that
invaded and destroyed a country of 26 million people called
Iraq, or set up a worldwide torture regime around the world to
torture people in secret, or put people in indefinite detention
camps in the middle of the ocean called Guantanamo. So I think
it would be incredibly naïve for some Westerner to say: "My side
is really good. It's Vladimir Putin's side that's the bad
side."'
This was classic BBC propaganda fare. Webb's
framing of Putin as the 'Bad Guy', and the United States and Britain
as the 'Good Guys', underpins the delusional 'moral equivalence'
argument that corporate journalists habitually deploy.
We recall the BBC's Michael Buerk commenting in
disbelief to Denis Halliday, the former senior UN diplomat who had
resigned in protest at the genocidal sanctions imposed on Iraq by
the West:
'You can't... you can't possibly draw a moral
equivalence between Saddam Hussein and George Bush Senior, can
you?' (BBC radio interview, 2001)
And the BBC's incredulous Jeremy Paxman to Noam
Chomsky in a 2004
interview
on Newsnight:
'You seem to be suggesting or implying,
perhaps I'm being unfair to you, but you seem to be implying
there is some moral equivalence between democratically elected
heads of state like George Bush or Prime Ministers like Tony
Blair and regimes in places like Iraq.'
Chomsky demolished this specious 'argument':
'The term moral equivalence is an interesting
one. It was invented, I think, by Jeane Kirkpatrick [former US
ambassador to the UN] as a method of trying to prevent criticism
of foreign policy and state decisions. It is a meaningless
notion. There is no moral equivalence whatsoever.'
Investigative journalist Peter Oborne, who
resigned from the Telegraph in February in protest at the paper's
perpetration of a
'fraud on its readers' in its failure to report scandals
involving HSBC, recently
commented:
'The men and women who advocated the Iraq
invasion remain dominant in British public life. Those who
opposed it remain marginal and despised.'
This ought to be deeply shocking and very
disturbing. Unsurprisingly, the journalistic practices that made the
Iraq crime possible also remain dominant with honest practices
relegated to the margins and despised.
And so we find that major news organisations
continue to act as mindless conduits for anonymous state propaganda,
somehow unable to learn the blindingly obvious lessons of past
deceptions. Given the scale of the Iraq and Libyan catastrophes,
this is powerful testimony indeed to the sheer depth of the
structural corruption of the corporate media system. Not even Iraq,
not even the deaths of
one million Iraqis, not even the devastation of a country of 26
million people, are enough to deter journalists who are driven by
ruthless political and economic forces, apparently immune to public
pressure - so far.
In truth, those destructive forces have grown
stronger in the years since the 2003 invasion. Media performance is
indicative of a sharp and dangerous deterioration in Western
democracy.
Suggested Action
Please email:
Martin Ivens, Sunday Times editor
Email:
martin.ivens@sunday-times.co.uk
Tom Harper, Sunday Times home affairs
correspondent
Twitter:
@TomJHarper
Richard Kerbaj, Sunday Times security
correspondent
Twitter:
@RichardKerbaj
Tim Shipman, Sunday Times political editor
Twitter:
@ShippersUnbound
Please forward any responses to us:
editor@medialens.org
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