U.S. Power and the Godfather Principle
By Noam Chomsky, John Holder and Doug Morris
May 28, 2015 "Information
Clearing House" - "ZNet"
- An Interview with Noam Chomsky conducted by John Holder and Doug
Morris, May 4, 2015, at MIT, Cambridge, MA. This is the fifth in a series of
interviews concentrating mostly on questions gathered from young folks. Video is
forthcoming.Q. We are here at the beginning of May
2015 and there appears to be a rapprochement developing between Cuba and the
United States. There is a lot of mainstream talk about the economic
opportunities this could bring to the business community in the United States
but very little about how this impacts the Cuban revolution and her citizens.
What are your thoughts on Cuba and her future?
NC: First, why did Obama make this gesture? According to the
official story, his own speech, and then the echoes of the cooperative media is
that we have been trying for fifty years to bring democracy and freedom to Cuba,
and our methods so far have not worked so we should find other methods to pursue
our noble aims.
And this is described in the New York Review of Books, way out
on the left liberal fringe of the intellectual world, as “a noble gesture that
will create a new legacy for Obama,” and so on.
Turning to the real world there was a summit coming up in
Panama, a hemispheric summit. At the previous hemispheric summit which was in
Colombia, the U.S. and Canada were totally isolated from the rest of the
hemisphere on two issues and therefore there was no consensus agreement. One
was admission of Cuba into the hemisphere which the U.S. and Canada adamantly
rejected. The rest of the hemisphere has wanted it for a long time. The second
was interesting; it was moves toward de-criminalization of drugs. The U.S. so
called “drug war” is having no effect on availability of drugs and that has been
known for forty years, but it does have a lethal effect in Latin America. And
here in the U.S. it is basically a technique for locking up black males. So it
is part of the control of what is seen as a superfluous population. And Latin
America wants to get out of it but the U.S. and Canada won’t. That is the
background.
The next summit was coming up in a couple of weeks in Panama
and it would have been an absolute disaster for the United States unless Obama
had made some kind of gesture. So he finally agreed to move toward limited
normalization. The embargo remains, Cuban scholars are still not permitted to
come to scientific conferences in the United States, and so on. As to the
“noble effort to bring democracy and freedom to Cuba” what was ignored in most
of the commentary is mentioned but there is a crushing embargo for fifty years,
which is opposed by the entire world. If you look at the votes in the United
Nations General Assembly, there is an annual vote, only Israel votes with the
United States – occasionally a Pacific Island. And on top of that there is a
major terrorist war, primarily under Kennedy, but a serious terrorist war that
went on into the nineties. The only thing allowed to be mentioned is there were
some attempts to assassinate Castro, which is true, but they can be laughed off
as CIA shenanigans. They are a footnote. The main thing is the terrorist war;
that is the attempt to “bring justice and democracy to Cuba.”
And we know the reasons but they are unmentionable. It is an
open society. We have internal records. The reason was, the concern was, as
the State Department put it, “Castro is carrying out successful defiance of U.S.
policies that go back to 1823,” the Monroe Doctrine which declared that the U.S.
must dominate the hemisphere. The U.S. was not in a position to do it at the
time, but that was the goal. And that has been U.S. policy ever since, and
Castro’s defying it means getting in the way of that, and you can’t do that.
“International affairs” is very much like the mafia. A major
principle of international affairs is the Godfather cannot brook disobedience.
Here it is given various, kind of euphemisms, so it is called “the domino
theory,” but what it actually amounts to is what Henry Kissinger described very
well. He happened to be talking about Allende’s Chile, which was a
parliamentary democracy moving toward social democracy, and he described it as
“a virus that might spread contagion.” In other words, others might pick up the
model of moving through parliamentary means to social democratic policies, and
that is extremely dangerous because the system of domination and control might
fall apart.
So, the U.S. backed a vicious, murderous dictatorship to kill
the virus, and instituted murderous dictatorships in the surrounding area to
prevent contagion. That is exactly what it was doing in Southeast Asia at the
same time. These are leading themes. And the same was true of Cuba.
When Kennedy came into office he had a Latin American
Commission, a research commission. The report was handed to him by Arthur
Schlesinger a well known liberal historian and his Latin American advisor, and
the way Schlesinger put it was, the summary of the study was that the problem of
Cuba is the spread of the Castro idea of taking matters into your own hands
which might inspire others in other countries who are suffering the same
repression and violence that the Cubans are, might inspire them to do the same
thing. As any mafia don understands, if you allow any disobedience and you let
them get away with it, then it can spread, so you have to crush it at the
source. That is a dominant theme of foreign policy.
The U.S. did not make it up; it is understood by every
imperial power, but it is the leading theme of U.S. international policy, and
Cuba was, of course, the victim of that. And since they were successful in
their defiance they had to be subjected to unusual punishment, a crushing
embargo, a very serious terrorist war, and that is the translation of Obama’s
lovely phrases into English.
But he did have to make the move; otherwise the U.S. would
have had a catastrophe at the Panama summit. This way, though they were under
plenty of criticism, they could sort of pretend that the U.S. was greeted with
enthusiasm for its forthcoming gesture. That is the way the propaganda system
operates.
The moves are of some significance, but the Cuba case is
pretty interesting. Typically, foreign policy is pretty much dictated by
concentrated domestic power, as you would expect. That means the corporate
sector, pretty much in terms of policy. The American population has been in
favor of normalization with Cuba for about forty years. But, the population is
usually disregarded, so that is not surprising. What is of interest is that
major sectors of U.S. capital were in favor of normalization, the pharmaceutical
industry, agribusiness, energy corporations, they are usually very influential
in designing policy, but not in this case. The State interests, the godfather
interests in punishing Cuba for its successful defiance overwhelmed the normal
factors that determine policy. That is not a unique case but an interesting
one. Actually, Iran is another case. Apart from what was done to Cuba, which
is pretty awful, it is of great interest in understanding ourselves.
Q: Briefly, on January 29th of this year, NPR published a
piece that included the following, “through controversial politicking, the U.S.
was given a perpetual lease at Guantanamo in 1903. We don’t see it as
“controversial.”
NC: It is kind of interesting when you compare it to Russia’s
annexation of Crimea – which was of course illegal. But U.S. control over
Guantanamo is far worse. The lease they are talking about was at gun point.
Cuba was essentially under military occupation, so it is totally meaningless.
The U.S. simply demanded, and of course, was granted control over a large part
of Southeast Cuba, including its major port, Guantanamo. And the condition was
that it would be used as a coaling station and a couple of other such things.
When Cuba finally achieved independence in 1959 it asked to have that territory
returned. The U.S. refused, of course.
Q: Just to be clear, we are not just talking about
the military base, but the actual land.
NC: Yes, there is a region which includes the base, and the
harbor which is Cuba’s major harbor, or would be. So, the U.S. is keeping it
for several reasons. One is as part of the punishment of Cuba. It
significantly impedes the economic development of Cuba. Secondly, the U.S. uses
it for a variety of illegal purposes. It used it to house Haitian refugees
fleeing from the terrorist state, of course in violation of international law,
but the U.S. sent them off to the Guantanamo prison. And, of course, in more
recent years, it has been one of the major torture chambers in the world. In
fact, if you look at human rights violations in Cuba, which everyone is obsessed
with, by far the worst of them are in Guantanamo.
But the U.S. has no claim to Guantanamo whatsoever, either
historical, strategic, or anything else, it just holds onto it because it has
the power to. By comparison Putin looks pretty mild in the case of Crimea. But
to discuss this in the United States is almost inconceivable.
Q: A question from high school students. Most people in
this class were born in 2001 and the U.S. has been involved in military
aggression our whole lives. It is the norm for us. We have discovered that the
U.S. has been involved in military aggression constantly since 1950. Why does
U.S. power stay committed to violence and militarization?
NC: Going back to 1950, the U.S. far and away was the most
powerful state in history. It had about half the world’s wealth, incomparable
security, it controlled the hemisphere, both oceans, opposite sides of both
oceans, other industrial societies had been devastated by the war, the U.S.
economy boomed during the war, industrial production quadrupled. The U.S. was
basically in a position to run the world. Planners understood it, and they laid
out detailed, sophisticated plans as to how to run the world.
Well, let us go back to the mafia. When the don controls some
huge territory, he does not want to give it up. In fact, in 1949, a critical
event took place. China became independent. That is called, in the United
States, “the loss of China,” which is a very interesting phrase. And it became
a major issue in American domestic policy. It was kind of the roots of
McCarthyism, McCarthyist repression, [and the question was] who is responsible
for the loss of China? When Kennedy came into office, one of the reasons for
his sharp escalation of the war in Vietnam was the fear that he would be blamed
for the loss of Indochina. I can’t lose your computer, only you can. But since
we own the world, and that is taken for granted, it is “the loss of China.” And
they do not want to lose anything else, just like the godfather doesn’t.
And to maintain control often requires violence, and the world
knows this. Not Americans, but the world does. So, for example, about a year
ago there was an international poll, run by the Gallup organization, the main
U.S. polling organization, so everyone knows the results, it was an
international poll and one of the questions it asked was “Which country is the
greatest threat to world peace?” The United States was far in the lead. No one
else was even close. Second place was way behind and it was Pakistan, inflated
by the Indian vote, practically nobody else was mentioned.
That is an international poll. Why don’t Americans know about
it? Very simple, the free press refused to publish it – do a data base search.
A couple of people reported it. I did and a few others. Every editorial
office, of course knew it, but they also knew this is not the kind of thing you
tell Americans. What you tell Americans is that Iran is the greatest threat to
world peace. That is trumpeted by every major media outlet. Every candidate
for office, every presidential candidate, the official media constantly declare
that Iran is the greatest threat to world peace. That is the party line here.
For the world it is the U.S. that is the greatest threat to world peace. And
this is of course related to what the students described. We are constantly at
war, the country maybe has a thousand military bases around the world, no other
country has anything like that. The U.S. is conducting the most extraordinary
global assassination campaign, terror campaign in world history, it is the drone
campaign, which is officially described, not a secret, as a campaign intended to
kill people who are suspected of maybe someday planning to harm us. If Iran
said it was carrying out a global assassination campaign to murder people who it
knows are intending to harm it, not just “suspects,” like the Israeli leadership
which is constantly threatening to bomb and is carrying out terrorist activities
in Iran, the editors of the New York Times and the Washington Post who publish
Op/Eds calling for the bombing of Iran, we would think it was terrorism. But
when the mafia don does it, it is just stabilizing the world. But the world
does not necessarily see it that way, especially the victims.
And yes, constant aggression, terror, Special Forces operations, etc. Right
now, the U.S. is supporting the Saudi attack on Yemen which is destroying
Yemen. The U.S. has practically demolished Iraq, incited and spread sectarian
conflict that did not exist [prior to the U.S. invasion] which is now tearing
the region to shreds. The U.S. participated in the bombing of Libya in
violation of the Security Council resolution that the triumvirate, Britain,
France, and the United States introduced. It has destroyed Libya. It has now
vastly escalated the number of casualties, left the country in tatters. It is
part of the immigration crisis in the Mediterranean. All of these things are
happening but it is called “stabilization” and “benevolence” and so on. Not for
the world. They see it differently.
Q: More and more the U.S. public is being made aware of
the dangerous intersection between the police of this country and its male
African American citizens. Do you find that the frequency of these incidents is
something new or is it that the documentation of them is getting better?
NC: I think what is happening is a kind of statistical
aberration. It goes on all the time. But it happens that there has been a
cluster which is probably a statistical accident. But it is enough that it
brought the matter to the fore; it is very hard to avoid when these things are
striking you in the face day after day, but it is a constant phenomena. Black
communities just live under these conditions. If you look at the record, over
the years, the number of black males who have been killed or injured by the
police is way beyond any relationship to crime or certainly the white population
or anything else. When there is a riot of young whites people don’t get
killed. When it is blacks they get killed.
It is part of a long story that goes back 400 years. 400
years is when the first slaves were brought to the United States. The American
economy, a substantial part of it, our wealth and privilege, developed on the
basis of a century of vicious slave labor camps. The worst in the history of
slavery. They would have impressed the Nazis. But they produced the wealth
that created the financial industries, the commercial industries, manufacturing,
etc. After that there were a couple of years, a decade in fact, of relative
freedom, then the system was basically reinstituted by criminalization of black
life, creating a new slave labor force by the government that contributed a
large part of the American industrial revolution that was based on essentially
slave labor from the incarceration of black, mostly black males – mining, the
steel industry, the agricultural aspect is known (chain gangs you could see
them), but the rest you didn’t actually see but it was happening. That went on
virtually until the Second World War. Then there were a couple of decades of
rapid economic growth and a certain degree of opportunity. Then you get in the
era of the drug war and kind of back to the late nineteenth century. And all of
this is the background.
The killings and the repression are in part a class issue and
in part a race issue. And the two are pretty closely correlated so they are
hard to tease apart but undoubtedly the race issue is a major part, after all
that is the leading theme of American history for four hundred years now.
Q: A more lighthearted question, perhaps – from a sixteen
year old student. See if you want to take this up. If your sixteen your old
self was in high school today and could interview Noam Chomsky today at 86 what
would you ask?
NC: I remember what I was doing at sixteen. I was deeply
immersed in radical political activities such as there was and all sorts of
reading of all that was involved in the rise of fascism, the Second World War
was going on, I was critical of a lot of what was happening, especially the
imperial conquest of Southern Europe, attacks on Greece, on Italy, very much
involved in the Spanish Revolution, interested in that and many other things,
and, incidentally, thinking about dropping out of college because it was so
boring. I’m not suggesting that as advice to a sixteen year old. I was so far
out on the fringe that it is not a model for anyone.
If I was a sixteen year old today I’d be asking “What are we
going to do about the fact that we are racing towards a precipice and we are
going to fall over it and it will be devastating for these kid’s children and
grandchildren?” The number of people who are already dying from global warming
is in the hundreds of thousands a year. It is going to escalate sharply. About
one out of six species has already been destroyed. It is the worst species
destruction in sixty million years. If we don’t cut this off pretty soon it
will be beyond the tipping point and the worst part is that young people don’t
know about it. There was just a poll released, a major poll, of Millennials,
people who are teenagers today, like this student. About fifty percent of them
believe what practically 100% of scientists believe. About 20% agree that “yes,
there is global warming but human beings don’t have anything to do with it.”
And about 30% take the position of Rubio and so on “I’m not a scientist, I don’t
know, the science isn’t settled.” The science is settled, as much as anything
is. That is one major catastrophe. The other is the constant threat of nuclear
war. If you look over the record for seventy years it is just a miracle that we
survived. And top strategic analysts are aware of that and warned that we can’t
live like that forever. Even just by accident, something is going to happen.
And the threats are actually building up.
There is a famous “Doomsday Clock” of the Bulletin of Atomic
Scientists set up in 1947, and it keeps moving up and back before midnight.
Midnight means terminal. It was just advanced a couple of months ago to two
minutes closer to midnight. Three minutes from midnight. It is the closest it
has been since a major war scare in the early eighties.
That is a serious threat; the other is environmental
catastrophe which is coming and we are racing towards it, increasing the use of
fossil fuels. It is common knowledge among qualified scientists that these just
have to be kept in the ground if we are going to survive. And as I said, people
don’t know. Interestingly, younger people, who it was thought might be more
aware of it, really aren’t. Somewhat more. So, if you take older people, say
among older Republicans, ten percent think there is global warming. They are
just living in another universe. But even of the majority, a near majority
(about half the population), don’t really accept it. That is one of the most
dangerous things you can imagine.
So advice that any sixteen year old ought to be thinking about
is “What can I do about my own peers and what can I do about a political and
social system which is structured so that it is going to drive us to total
disaster?” That is the question they should be asking.
Q: This raises a question related to that. This is a
college student, a college student who is studying to be a teacher, an
elementary teacher, she says: “Given the severity of the nightmares we face,
nuclear nightmares, ecological destruction, extinction of species, do we need
new approaches to formal education? If not now, how bad does it have to get
until we say it is time for (1) a radical re-thinking of education, and (2)
radical reconstructions of education?
NC: My own feeling is that we should return to a more sane
educational system that did exist. The tendency in the recent period, in my
opinion, is to undermine the educational system. So, take K-12, which is now
geared increasingly toward “teaching to tests” – the worst possible form of
education. All three of us know from our own experience and everyone knows it
if they think about it, you can take a course which you are not interested in,
you can study for the exam, pass the exam, get an “A,” and a week later you
forgot what the course was even about. If something is poured into you from
the outside and you regurgitate it, it doesn’t stay. If you want to understand
and learn anything it has got to be self-generated. That is well-understood,
the psychological mechanisms, the history, this goes back hundreds of years to
the Enlightenment. The education system has been turned away from that and
toward imposing passivity, conformity, obedience, memorize what you are told,
put it on paper, forget about it, go on to the next thing. That is part of the
reason why you have these shocking statistics about the lack of awareness of
young people about what is facing them. They are not educated to discover what
is happening in the world, only to repeat what they are told and put it in a
test, which you then forget about.
So, the educational system should be completely redesigned to be a system that
is designed for education not for training for passivity and conformism.
Q: So, are you pointing out that there was a time when
creativity, curiosity, exploration, etc. was paramount?
NC: Not paramount, but present to an extent. What
existed is being undermined. In fact, the right of a teacher to be a good
teacher is being undermined. There are plenty of good, dedicated, committed
teachers who would love to be able to inspire their students to search for
themselves, to think things through, to challenge, to pursue interests, and they
are being prevented from doing that. For being prevented from doing it they
have to tell students, I’ve heard many stories, suppose a six year old kid is
interested in something, well you have to tell them you have to study for the
exam that is coming because your future will depend on it and though the teacher
does not say so “my salary will depend on it.” It is a system of indoctrination
and control. It has nice names like “No Child Left Behind,” “Race to the Top,”
and so on, but it is a very harmful system.
And something similar is happening at the college level.
There is an imposition of a kind of business model on colleges and universities
that is very harmful. To an extent you even see it in places like MIT. MIT is
a research university, so if you take a course here you are not supposed to
memorize it and put it in an exam. You are supposed to learn to inquire, to
create, to challenge, and so on. Nevertheless, the shift toward the business
model and corporate funding does have a cheapening effect. It tends to drive
research and with it teaching towards short-term applied problems instead of
fundamental issues. It is not an overwhelming tendency at MIT because in a
research university there is going to be resistance to it, because it is
understood that you have to create the science and economy of the future, but it
is there.
In other colleges and universities it is more so. It is a
very dangerous thing. In England, it is even worse. In England, which had a
great university tradition, one commentator pointed out, the way he put it, “The
Tory conservative government is intent on turning first class universities into
third class commercial enterprises.” And that is pretty much what is
happening. So, if the Classics Department wants to continue to exist it has to
find funding somewhere. That is not the way to develop a civilization.
Q: From a high school student. The word “radical” is
often linked to your social critiques. If “radical” means “getting to the root
cause,” what is the root cause or what are the root causes of all of these
problems we have been talking about?
NC: Well, there is not a single one. So, one problem I
mentioned, for example, is racism, which is deeply embedded in American culture
and history. In fact, what I described, I mean, it is known to scholarship, but
most people are not aware of this. Another is the United States is somewhat
unusual among industrial societies in a number of respects. One of them is, to
an unusual extent it is a business run society. So, for example, take voting.
One of the main scholars of American electoral politics, Walter Dean Burnham, he
studied non-voting in the United States. He has pointed out that if you do a
demographic analysis of non-voters here they are approximately the same as the
people in Europe who vote but vote for labor-based or social democratic parties
and since they don’t exist here they just don’t vote. In fact, he and a
colleague, Thomas Ferguson, just did a study of the last election, November,
2014 and the results are pretty startling. It turns out that voting
participation was about at the level of the early 19th century when voting was
restricted to propertied white males. They conclude, the obvious conclusion,
most people just don’t see any point. There is nothing in there that has
anything to do with us, and studies demonstrate that. Mainstream political
science has interesting results about this. It turns out that for about 70% of
the population their representatives pay absolutely no attention to their
attitudes. There is no correlation between what the population wants and what
is legislated, the lower 70% on the income scale. When you get to the very top
they basically set policy.
That is one of the reasons why if you look at studies of the
OECD, the Organization of the industrial democracies, there is about 31 of them,
they do many studies of all sorts of things, and one recent study was on social
justice – how countries do in social justice by various measures. The United
States is practically at the bottom. I think it is 27 out of 31 right alongside
Turkey and Mexico, poor countries. There is a lot more that reflects this.
So, for example, take transportation. To get from Boston to
New York, or Washington, probably the most heavily traveled corridor, maybe, in
the world, to get to Washington it takes about seven hours. In any European
country it would be about two hours. In China, you can go from Beijing to
Kazakhstan by a high speed rail, but you can’t go from New York to Boston. The
United States is extremely backward in public services.
On the other hand it is one of the freest countries in the
world. Freedom of speech is protected beyond the norm, though police repression
of minorities is severe, by comparative standards, people with any degree of
privilege are pretty free.
Many of these things are rooted in the very nature of American
society. After all, the country was founded on two enormous crimes. One of
them is slavery which is a horrifying crime and is the basis of a lot of our
wealth. The other is the destruction of the indigenous population. Take a
look at the front pages of the paper this morning, the New York Times. There is
a report on the rising rate of suicides among teenagers on Indian reservations.
Why is that? I mean, this was their country. They have been exterminated,
expelled, driven to reservations where they can barely survive. So, they are
committing suicide. What else are they supposed to do? These are huge crimes
and we have not come to terms with them.
There are “Holocaust Studies” in every town, Holocaust museums
all over the place. Try to find a slavery museum; or an American Indian
museum. I mean there are a couple of things that are anthropological studies,
but nothing commemorating the hideous crimes and immense tragedy on which our
wealth and privilege depend. That leads to a kind of cultural degradation which
infects almost everything. You see it almost every day. There are plenty of
examples. Take say American Sniper which everyone was going to see.
Q: You are speaking about the movie, yes?
NC: Yes, the movie, but the memoir on which it is based is
even worse. I tried to see it and I lasted about fifteen minutes. I couldn’t
handle it any longer. The first incident which the sniper is extremely proud
of, and about which everybody cheers, is when the marines are attacking a town
and a woman comes out holding a grenade and the sniper kills her with one shot
and kills her son, and he is very proud of this, he says these are savages, they
are monsters, we hate them, they are not human, they are barbarians – a person
defending their town from an American invasion.
Let us go to the intellectuals like say the readers of the New
York Times. The day after the draft agreement with Iran there was, of course, a
lot of commentary. One thing was a think piece by one of their liberal
analysts, Peter Baker, and he said it is basically a good thing but there are
problems: we can’t really trust Iran; Iran carries out terrorism, and
aggression; destabilizes the region, and he gave some examples. The most
interesting example, which aroused no comment, is that Iran supports Iraqis who
are killing American soldiers. In other words, when we invade and destroy a
country and now spread chaos around the region, even leading to the
establishment of the Islamic State, that is “stabilization.” If somebody
defends themselves from our attack they are criminals and that is
“destabilization” and we can’t trust them. One can go on and on with examples.
All of this reflects cultural attitudes similar to the notion
of the loss of China, similar to the idea that if anyone resists our violent
domination and control they are criminals, not us. We can’t be criminals, we
are exceptional. We are exceptionally benign. The world doesn’t happen to
think so, but we protect ourselves from that fact by simply not reporting it.
These are serious problems. There is no single root for all of them; there are
a lot of historical roots. But they are all things to pay attention to.
Q: Didn’t the Japanese prime minister just offer an
apology for crimes the Japanese government committed during WWII?
NC: A kind of qualified apology – something but not much.
Q: We have not heard any apology from anyone in the State
Department for the destruction of Iraq.
NC: Of course not. How about Vietnam? It is the worst crime
since the Second World War. Killed millions of people, destroyed three
countries, people are still dying, many babies are dying from the effects of
U.S. chemical warfare which was begun by Kennedy. How do we react? It is kind
of interesting. Let us look at some examples.
The war ended in 1975. The next year President Carter was elected – the human
rights president, way out on the liberal extreme. And he was asked in a press
conference in 1977, “Do we have some responsibility for what happened in
Vietnam?” and his answer was “We owe Vietnam no debt, because the destruction
was mutual.” Not a comment… not a comment. Let us go on to, we can skip Reagan
for whom it was “a noble cause,” and so on.
Go to George H.W. Bush, the statesman-like Bush. He was asked some similar
question and what he said was “We should explain to the Vietnamese that we are a
compassionate people, we are willing to forget the crimes that they committed
against us, but there is a condition. They have to devote their energies and
resources to the one moral issue that remains after the Vietnam War, namely
finding the bones of American pilots who they maliciously shot down,” while they
were just kind of cruising somewhere, maybe over central Iowa. That is the
central moral issue.
John McCain is considered a hero. Well, he suffered torture
and imprisonment, obviously a crime, but he was also involved in a major war
crime, aggression, bombing another country. I mean if someone was bombing us we
would not call them a hero.
Q: For the last five interviews my mother keeps asking me to
ask you the following question, so I have to ask.
NC: You have to do what your mother says.
Q: She said “Please ask Noam ‘When will there be peace?’”
NC: Well, actually Bertrand Russell was asked that question
once and he said “Someday there will be peace, after everything in the world has
been destroyed and all that is left is primitive organisms, then there will be
peace.” I hope it comes before that, but we are not helping.
Q: That is not what my mother wants to hear! A New York
Times article a few weeks back titled something like “Endless Growth meets
nature’s limits” looking at the drought in California. We were hopeful that
this article was going to look at capital’s imperative toward endless growth
linked to the destruction of nature, but when one reads the article virtually
everyone interviewed gave the same response, “The market will solve the
problems.” It struck us as a form of market fundamentalism that is extremely
dangerous – when confronted with a very harsh reality the market fundamentalist
belief system supersedes that reality.
NC: Market fundamentalism is a very interesting phenomenon.
For one thing, we do not believe in markets.
Q: When you say “we” to whom are you referring?
NC: This country and its leaders, political leaders, economic
leaders, and so on. You guys probably have an iPhone, or an “i” something or
other. If you look at the technology inside it most of it is developed in the
state sector in places like MIT. Nothing about markets. Computers, internet,
the technology there, the advanced economy, a lot of it is driven by the state
sector and this goes way back.
I mentioned before that American economic growth to a very
substantial extent was based on slave labor camps. Is that the market? Of
course, the elimination of the Native population by force, is that the market?
And that goes on right to the present. The market is for poor people. The rich
protect themselves from the market.
But there is an element of the markets, it is there. Markets
have a very well known property, it is called “ignoring externalities.” So if
you and I make a transaction we pay attention to our own welfare but not to
somebody else’s. We don’t ask what it does to them. Well, one of the
externalities happens to be destroying the world. To the extent that say the
energy corporations and the government behind them, follow market principles,
what they are going to be doing because that is the nature of the market is
maximizing their own profit and ignoring the fact that it is going to destroy
the possibility of a decent life for their grandchildren, because that is an
externality. That is the nature of markets.
A more sensible version, not quite as bad, came out a little
bit after that, their Week in Review section, front page, “Is California dying,”
and it said “Well, California was created by human innovation and technology and
it will be saved by human innovation and technology. Well, maybe, but that
innovation and technology is not coming from the market, except peripherally,
but the core is coming from where it always came, the dynamic state sector of
the economy.
So, the market fundamentalism is preached, but not practiced.
It is imposed on others, so you impose it on people, so people should not get
food stamps, they should live on the market, but not the rich. They don’t get
food stamps, they get lavished with massive subsidies of all kinds, no market
there.
Q: Including the subsidy of daily exploited labor, yes?
NC: Yes, that is one, but it is all over the place. Take for
example, the home mortgage deduction. Who benefits from that? Not people who
bought a $200,000 home, people who bought a $2 million dollar home, yes, they
benefit enormously.
And in fact, the whole system of laws and administration is
geared toward ensuring that the wealthy and the privileged are protected from
market ravages. The most extreme case, it is so blatant that it takes genius to
miss it, is the financial institutions. These are a huge part of the economy.
Where do their profits come from? There was a study by the International
Monetary Fund of the six major U.S. banks. It found that almost their entire
profits came from a government insurance policy, meaning a taxpayer insurance
policy. Informally, it is called “to big to fail.” It means the credit
agencies and others understand that they are not going to be allowed to fail.
That has a lot of consequences. For one thing, they get bailed out if there is
a problem, but it also means they have inflated credit ratings because it is
going to be known that the taxpayer will save them, they have access to cheaper
money; they can undertake risky transactions which are profitable because if
they collapse the taxpayer will come in and pay them off. This is a huge amount
of money. The business press estimates it as over $80 billion a year, straight
taxpayer subsidy to predatory institutions which probably harm the economy more
than they benefit it. And, of course, they yield extraordinary wealth and power
that is highly concentrated.
But everywhere you look it is the same. Right now there are
secret negotiations going on about what are called “trade deals,” the
Trans-Pacific, Trans-Atlantic Partnership, TPP. The government insists on what
is called “fast track,” meaning Stalinist-style policy – we make the
arrangements, you shut up, we tell you about it when it is done, and you can say
“yes” or “no,” and of course you have to say “yes.” That is called “democracy.”
When I say it is in secret that is not entirely true. It is
not secret to the corporate sector. Their lobbyists and lawyers are the one’s
writing it, so they know what is in it. It just has to be kept secret from the
population. Why? Well, if you look at other so called “trade deals,” you can
make a good guess – it is not a trade deal. It is a deal for investor rights.
It is going to be highly protectionist, undoubtedly, of what are called
“intellectual property rights,” which means measures to ensure inflated profits
for pharmaceutical corporations, huge media corporations, and so on, investor
measures that grant investors rights that human beings do not have.
For example, you and I can’t sue some other country because we
don’t like what they did, but the existing treaties, like NAFTA, do permit a
U.S. corporation or conversely, if they could do it, a Mexican business to sue,
but U.S. corporations can sue and have sued Mexico if it carries out measures,
like setting up a national park which they can claim undercut future profits,
things like that. These are called “trade related investment mechanisms” that
have nothing to do with trade.
Even what is called “trade” is often a joke. Take say NAFTA,
the model, the North American Free Trade Agreement. Economists will tell you it
has increased trade between Mexico and the United States. What is that trade?
So, for example, if parts are produced in Indiana and sent to Mexico to
assemble, and a car is sold in Los Angeles, that is called trade in both
directions. It is not trade; it is interactions inside a command economy. It
is kind of like in the old Soviet Union if parts were made in Leningrad,
assembled in Warsaw, and sold in Moscow, we would not call it trade – it is
inside a command economy. General Motors is a command economy, a tyranny. How
much? Roughly probably 50% of what is called trade. I mean, you really have to
look at these things carefully. The talk about markets is mostly propaganda.
There is an element of markets functioning and it is probably good for cutting
down the price of toothpaste or something, but it has strongly harmful
consequences.
Q: If a moral and rational being from outer space was
looking at all that you are describing do you think they would conclude that it
is insane and immoral?
NC: I think you have to distinguish between individual and
institutional insanity, and stupidity for that matter. The individuals involved
may be perfectly sane, but the institutional structure in which they are
operating is insane. That is a fact. Institutional stupidity is much harder to
get rid of than individual stupidity. And we are trapped in it. And in fact,
we are now in a lethal trap. If we don’t get out of it soon, we will be gone.
Q: “Trapped” sounds rather closed.
NC: It is not a law of nature. It can be changed by the
sixteen year old who asked for advice. It is in their hands. The first thing
they have to do is at least educate their peers. It is a big problem. Then
organize them; then get them to become active. Since we are a very free society
there are plenty of opportunities.
John Holder (holder@hartford.edu) works at the University
of Hartford, Doug Morris works at West Chester University (dmorrisscott@yahoo.com)