Eight Urgent ‘Musts’ Needed for Palestinians to Defeat
Apartheid:
By Ramzy Baroud
April 02, 2015 "ICH"
- Waiting on Israeli society to change from within is a colossal waste of time,
during which the suffering of an entire nation – torn between an occupied home
and a harsh diaspora – will not cease. But what are Palestinians and the
supporters of a just peace in Palestine and Israel to do? Plenty.
Those who counted on some sort of a miracle to emerge from the
outcome of the recent Israeli elections have only themselves to blame. Neither
logic nor numbers were on their side, nor the long history laden with
disappointing experiences of “leftist” Israelis unleashing wars and cementing
occupation. Despite a few differences between Israel’s right and the so-called
left on internal matters, their positions are almost identical regarding all
major issues related to Palestine. These include the Right of Return and the
status of occupied Jerusalem to the illegal settlements.
Equally important, most sectors of Israel’s political classes
that are dominated by Zionist Jews are also in concord regarding the status of
Israel’s Palestinian Arab population (1948 Palestinians). Don’t let the racist
fearmongering of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu – terrifying Israeli
Jews of Arabs voting in “droves” – blind you to the fact that the Zionist Labor
bloc is equally racist, although, in a less vulgar fashion.
But Palestinians are not without options. Sure, the odds
against them are great, but such is the fate of the oppressed as they are left
between two options: either a perpetual fight for justice or unending
humiliation and servitude.
1. Abbas, Oslo Must Go
First, the most difficult obstacle to overcome is the
stronghold of Mahmoud Abbas and his corrupt circle on Palestine’s political
discourse at home. This is not an outcome of Abbas’s particular savvy or the
genius of his class. The post-Oslo circle only exists to maintain the status
quo: US interests and involvement as a mediator in the conflict, Israel’s
security – thus the constant crackdown on Palestinian opposition and resistance
– and ensuring that the Palestinian Authority (PA) has a reason to exist for the
sake of ensuring the many privileges that come with the job.
This whole apparatus must be overcome and eventually removed
entirely from the Palestinian body politic if Palestinians are to have any
chance at formulating an alternative strategy.
2. Factionalism Must Be Defeated, Crushed
But for that to take place, the very ailments that have
afflicted Palestinian society for years, leading to the creation of the
ineffectual PA in the first place, would have to be confronted heads on. One
such condition is factionalism, which has to be overpowered by a collective that
defines itself first and foremost as Palestinian.
Factionalism, in its current form, has destroyed much of the
social fabric of Palestine. It has divided the already divided people into
fragments making them easy to be controlled, manipulated, suppressed – and when
necessary – besieged. 67 years are just too long a period for a nation that
lives mostly in exile, trapped or confined behind walls, to sustain its
political identity and remain unified around the same “constants” without proper
leadership.
Yet somehow many Palestinians persisted, insisting on one
Palestine, one people, one identity, one goal. For these energies to be
streamlined into a meaningful push against Israeli colonial designs,
factionalism would have to be put to rest. Additionally, the Palestinian flag
must occupy every public place currently occupied by red, yellow, green or any
other factional colour or symbol.
3. But the Transition Must Be Smooth
Such seismic change cannot come easily. It must be gradual and
part of a national initiative. It must be a conversation that brings friends and
rivals not to divide material perks, useless “ministries” and worthless
“government” posts, but rather to mend the broken unanimity that once existed.
In fact, once upon a time, Palestinians were not united or disjointed around the
frivolous “peace process,” but instead around “national constants,” where the
Right of Return took central stage.
The transition from disunity and chaos into something
visionary and not confined by short-term political interests, must be smooth,
calculated and led by respected Palestinian figures, not those with hands soiled
by blood and corruption.
4. Right of Return Must Be Brought Back to Center of
Discourse
One major issue that must dominate the new political discourse
is the Right of Return for Palestinian refugees, guaranteed by international
law. The issue is not only essential in its centrality in the lives of millions
of Palestinians suffering in Syria, Lebanon and elsewhere, but is also essential
to any sensible understanding of the conflict and its resolution.
The struggle in Palestine doesn’t date back to the war of
1967, but the Zionist takeover of Palestine between 1947-48 that resulted in
nearly a million refugees, the expropriation of their land, homes, rights and
the attempt at erasing any evidence of their existence.
By marginalizing the Right of Return, one diminishes the very
roots of the conflict, and any serious attempt at reconciling the painful past
with the equally agonizing present.
5. Palestine 48 Must Be Fully Incorporated into
National Agenda
Not all Palestinians became refugees. Some remained in
Palestine as it was being transferred to some other entity before their own
eyes.
The Palestinians of 1948 have always, and will remain a major
component of the Palestine question and the Palestinian struggle for freedom and
human rights. The fragmentation between the communities were imposed by
calculated political realities, enforced by Israel or circumstances. That said,
the issues have never been truly separated: the plight of Palestinians in
Israel, those under military occupation in the occupied territories, and
refugees in the diaspora all go back to the same historical point of reference –
the Nakba of 48. These common struggles continue to be sustained by Israel, its
racist laws, its military occupation and its refusal to adhere to international
law.
Without the Palestinians of 48, the Palestinian national
identity will remain politically fragmented and scarred. The persistence and
collective strength of that population is an important asset, and their
struggles are part and parcel of the struggle and resistance of Palestinians in
the occupied territories and those in the diaspora.
6. Resistance Must Be Respected
However, fuel is needed to urge that new collective awareness
forward, and nothing can possibly achieve such an end but the insistence on
resistance, in both the real and cerebral sense.
The term “resistance” once dominated references made by
Palestinian leaders in yesteryears, but was purposely marginalised following the
signing of Oslo in 1993. That was driven by two subtle understandings that
resistance was ineffective, and that to achieve a degree of validity and
stateliness in the eyes of their US benefactors, the new rulers of Palestine
needed to abandon seemingly unsophisticated references to a bygone era.
Yet without resistance there is only submission and defeat,
which is precisely what took place. Only popular resistance in the West Bank and
Jerusalem, the steadfastness of 48 Palestinians, crowned by the legendary
resistance of Palestinians in Gaza under a harsh siege and repeated wars,
continue to frustrate Israel. Yet, the harsher Israel tries to destroy
Palestinian resistance, the more emboldened Palestinians become, for resistance
is a culture, not a political choice.
Without resistance, Palestinians may as well raise white flags
and sign on whatever dotted line is dictated by Israel. And then, they would
simply be agreeing to perpetual subjugation.
7. BDS Must Continue to Grow, Bridge Gaps
Resistance is part and parcel of the ongoing global campaign,
to boycott, divest from and sanction Israel. The outcome of the Israeli
elections, and the rise of a more self-assertive Palestinian political
collective by 48 Palestinians, would mean that BDS must enlarge its mission, not
just rhetorically by practically as well.
The BDS movement had already emphasised equality for 48
Palestinians as a main objective that is as vital as all other objectives. The
Joint List Arab party which won 13 seats in the Knesset solidified the
relationship between Palestinian Arab communities within Israel as the BDS
movement has to a large extent solidified the rapport between Palestinian
communities across political and geographical divides. But more is needed. The
new self-assertive Palestinian community in Israel deserves greater engagement.
By doing so, BDS would defeat Israel’s constant attempt at diminishing the
collective aspiration of the Palestinian people.
8. One State Must Become Rally Cry for Equality and
Freedom
There is no need or time for despair. In fact, the opposite is
true. The more empowered and racist Israel becomes, and the deeper it digs into
the roots of its Apartheid and racist institutions and walls, the more obvious
the answer becomes: a state for two peoples with equal rights. Both Palestinians
and Jews exist in that very space, but they are governed by two sets of laws
that make peaceful co-existence impossible. In order to speed up the achievement
of that moment and lessen suffering, Palestinians have some urgent work to do.
It is time for Palestinian communities everywhere to surmount
ideological, factional and political divides, reach out to one another, unite
their ranks, and harness their energies, for no matter how deep the divide,
Palestine is, should and will always be one.
- Ramzy Baroud – www.ramzybaroud.net –
is an internationally-syndicated columnist, a media consultant, an author of
several books and the founder of PalestineChronicle.com. He is currently
completing his PhD studies at the University of Exeter. His latest book is My
Father Was a Freedom Fighter: Gaza’s Untold Story (Pluto Press, London).
© 2015 Ramzy Baroud. All Rights Reserved.