Netanyahu’s Win Is Good
for Palestine
By YOUSEF MUNAYYER
March 19, 2015 "ICH"
- "NYT"
- WASHINGTON — IF anyone doubted where
Benjamin Netanyahu stood on the question of
peace, the Israeli prime minister made
himself clear just before Tuesday’s
election, proclaiming that there would never
be a Palestinian state on his watch. Then he
decided to engage in a bit of fear-mongering
against Palestinian citizens of Israel in
hopes of driving his supporters to the
polls. “The right-wing government is in
danger,” Mr. Netanyahu announced on Election
Day. “Arab voters are heading to the polling
stations in droves.”
But Mr. Netanyahu’s victory is actually the
best plausible outcome for those seeking to
end Israel’s occupation. Indeed, I, as a
Palestinian, breathed a sigh of relief when
it became clear that his Likud Party had won
the largest number of seats in the Knesset.
This might seem counterintuitive, but the
political dynamics in Israel and
internationally mean that another term with
Mr. Netanyahu at the helm could actually
hasten the end of Israel’s apartheid
policies. The biggest losers in this
election were those who made the argument
that change could come from within Israel.
It can’t and it won’t.
Israelis have grown very comfortable with
the status quo. In a country that oversees a
military occupation that affects millions of
people, the biggest scandals aren’t about
settlements, civilian deaths or hate crimes
but rather mundane things like the price of
cottage cheese and whether the prime
minister’s wife embezzled bottle refunds.
For Israelis, there’s currently little cost
to maintaining the occupation and
re-electing leaders like Mr. Netanyahu.
Raising the price of occupation is therefore
the only hope of changing Israeli decision
making. Economic sanctions against South
Africa in the 1980s increased its
international isolation and put pressure on
the apartheid regime to negotiate. Once
Israelis are forced to decide between
perpetual occupation and being accepted in
the international community, they may choose
a more moderate leader who dismantles
settlements and pursues peace, or they may
choose to annex rather than relinquish land
— provoking a confrontation with America and
Europe. Either way, change will have to come
from the outside.
The boycott, divestment and sanctions
campaign (B.D.S.) has thrived while Mr.
Netanyahu has led Israel. He has become the
internationally recognized face of Israeli
intransigence, settlement building and
brazen disregard for Palestinian human
rights. But while Mr. Netanyahu has become
synonymous with the occupation, he is in
many ways a product of it. There are also
entrenched political and economic interests
that benefit from maintaining the status
quo.
By monopolizing West Bank land and natural
resources, Israel reaps the benefits of
occupation with few costs. Settlements are a
major state investment, and add both a
geographic and political obstacle to peace
since settlers play a key role in shaping
Israeli politics and their interests cannot
be ignored.
Mr. Netanyahu’s style has certainly
heightened tensions and harmed relations
with Israel’s allies. He has clashed with
President Obama and thumbed his nose at the
Democratic Party by helping to make Israel a
partisan political issue in America. His
most recent speech before a joint session of
Congress, which 60 members of Congress
boycotted, was merely the latest incident.
Replacing Mr. Netanyahu with his challenger,
Isaac Herzog, would have slowed down the
B.D.S. movement and halted pressure on
Israel by creating the perception of change.
A new prime minister would have kick-started
a new “peace process” based on previous
failed models that would inevitably fail
again because of a lack of real pressure on
Israel to change its deplorable behavior.
The re-election of Mr. Netanyahu provides
clarity. Two years ago Secretary of State
John Kerry declared that the maximum time
left for a two-state solution was two years.
Mr. Netanyahu officially declared it dead
this week in order to drive right-wing
voters to the polls. The two-state solution,
which has seen more funerals than a
reverend, exists today only as a talking
point for self-interested, craven
politicians to hide behind — not as a
realistic basis for peace.
The old land-for-peace model must now be
replaced with a rights-for-peace model.
Palestinians must demand the right to live
on their land, but also free movement, equal
treatment under the law, due process, voting
rights and freedom from discrimination.
Mr. Netanyahu’s re-election has convincingly
proved that trusting Israeli voters with the
fate of Palestinian rights is disastrous and
immoral. His government will oppose any
constructive change, placing Israel on a
collision course with the rest of the world.
And this collision has never been more
necessary.
The election results will further galvanize
the movement seeking to isolate Israel
internationally. B.D.S. campaigns will grow,
and more countries will move toward imposing
sanctions to change Israeli behavior. In the
past few years, a major Dutch pension fund
divested large sums from Israeli banks
active in the West Bank, and hundreds of
millions of dollars have been divested from
companies, like G4S and SodaStream, that
operate in occupied territory.
There won’t be real change on the ground or
at the polls without further pressure on
Israel. And now, that pressure will
increase. For this, we have Mr. Netanyahu to
thank.
© 2015 The New York Times Company