The Whoredom of the
Left
By Chris Hedges
March 09, 2015 "ICH"
- "Truthdig"
- VANCOUVER, British Columbia—Prostitution
is the quintessential expression of global
capitalism. Our corporate masters are pimps.
We are all being debased and degraded,
rendered impoverished and powerless, to
service the cruel and lascivious demands of
the corporate elite. And when they tire of
us, or when we are no longer of use, we are
discarded as human refuse. If we accept
prostitution as legal, as Germany has done,
as permissible in a civil society, we will
take one more collective step toward the
global plantation being built by the
powerful. The fight against prostitution is
the fight against a dehumanizing
neoliberalism that begins, but will not end,
with the subjugation of impoverished girls
and women.
Poverty is not an aphrodisiac. Those who
sell their bodies for sex do so out of
desperation. They often end up physically
injured, with a variety of diseases and
medical conditions, and suffering from
severe emotional trauma. The left is made
morally bankrupt by its failure to grasp
that legal prostitution is another face of
neoliberalism. Selling your body for sex is
not a choice. It is not about freedom. It is
an act of economic slavery.
On a rainy night recently I walked past
the desperate street prostitutes in the 15
square blocks that make up the Downtown
Eastside ghetto in Vancouver—most of them
impoverished aboriginal women. I saw on the
desolate street corners where women wait for
customers the cruelty and despair that will
characterize most of our lives if the
architects of neoliberalism remain in power.
Downtown Eastside has the highest HIV
infection rate in North America. It is
filled with addicts, the broken, the
homeless, the old and the mentally ill, all
callously tossed onto the street.
Lee Lakeman,
one of Canada’s most important radicals, and
several members of the
Vancouver Rape Relief & Women’s Shelter,
met with me one morning in their storefront
office in Vancouver. Lakeman in the 1970s
opened her home in Ontario to abused women
and their children. By 1977 she was in
Vancouver working with the Rape Relief &
Women’s Shelter, founded in 1973 and now the
oldest rape crisis center in Canada. She has
been at the forefront of the fight in Canada
against the abuse of women, building
alliances with groups such as the
Aboriginal Women’s Action Network and
the Asian Women
Coalition Ending Prostitution.
Lakeman and the shelter
refused to give the provincial government
access to victims’ files in order to protect
the anonymity of the women. They also denied
this information to the courts, in which,
Lakeman said, “defense attorneys try to
discredit or bully women complainants in
criminal cases of male violence against
women.” This defiance saw the shelter lose
government funding. “It is still impossible
to work effectively in a rape crisis center
or a transition house and not be breaking
the Canadian law on a regular basis,” said
Lakeman, who describes herself as being
increasingly radical.
Lakeman, along with the radical feminists
allied with the shelter, is the bęte noire
not only of the state but of feckless
liberals who think physical abuse of a woman
is abhorrent if it occurs in a sweatshop but
somehow is acceptable in a rented room, an
alley, a brothel, a massage parlor or a car.
Lakeman is fighting a world that has gone
numb, a world that has banished empathy, a
world where solidarity with the oppressed is
a foreign concept. And, with upheavals ahead
caused by climate change and the breakdown
of global capitalism, she fears that if
mechanisms are not in place to protect poor
women the exploitation and abuse will
increase.
“We have never stopped having to deal
with misogyny among activists,” she said.
“It is a serious problem. How do we talk to
each other as movements? We want to talk
about coalition building. But we want new
formations to take women’s leadership
seriously, to use what has been learned in
the last 40 or 50 years. We deal with the
most dispossessed among women. And it is
clear to us that every sloppy uprising, or
every unplanned, chaotic uprising,
devastates poor women. We need to have
thoughtfulness built into our practices of
revolt. We do not want the traditional
right-wing version of law and order. We work
against it. We do not call for a reduction
in men’s rights. But, without an organized
community, without state responsibility,
every woman is on her own against a man with
more power.”
“We are seeing a range of violence
against women that generations before us
never saw—incest, wife abuse, prostitution,
trafficking and violence against lesbians,”
she went on. “It has become normal. But in
periods of chaos it gets worse. We are
trying to hang on to what we know about how
to care for people, what we know about
working democratically, about nonviolence,
yet not be subsumed by the state. Yet we
have to insist on a woman’s right not to
face every man alone. We have to demand the
rule of law.”
“Globalization and
neoliberalism have accelerated a process in
which women are being sold wholesale, as if
it is OK to prostitute Asian women in
brothels because they are sending money home
to poor families,” she said. “This is the
neoliberal model proposed to us. It is an
industry. It is [considered] OK ... just a
job like any other job. This model says
people are allowed to own factories where
prostitution is done. They can own
distribution systems [for prostitution].
They can use public relations to promote it.
They can make profits. Men who pay for
prostitution support this machinery. The
state that permits prostitution supports
this machinery. The only way to fight
capitalism, racism and protect women is to
stop men from buying prostitutes. And once
that happens we can mobilize against the
industry and the state to benefit the whole
anti-racist and anti-capitalist struggle.
But men will have to accept feminist
leadership. They will have to listen to us.
And they will have to give up the
self-indulgence of prostitution.”
“The left broke apart in
the 1970s over the failure to contend with
racism, imperialism and women’s freedom,”
she said. “These are still the fault lines.
We have to build alliances across these
gaps. But there are deal breakers. You can’t
buy women. You can’t beat women. You can’t
expect us to coalesce on the ‘wider’ issues
unless you accept this. The problem with the
left is it is afraid of words like
‘morality.’ The left does not know how to
distinguish between right and wrong. It does
not understand what constitutes unethical
behavior.”
Even though many radical
feminists are deeply hostile to the
neoliberal policies of the state, they
nevertheless are calling for laws to protect
women and demanding that the police
intervene to halt the exploitation of women.
The shelter in Vancouver filed an amicus
curiae in a case before the Canadian Supreme
Court arguing for the decriminalization of
those who are prostituted, mostly women and
children, and the criminalization of those,
mostly men, who exploit them as pimps, johns
and brothel owners. Lakeman and the other
women have endured fierce criticism,
especially from the left, for this advocacy.
“In the progressive left
it is popular to be anti-state,” she said.
“It is not popular to say we have to press
the state to carry out particular policies.
But all resistance has to be precise. It has
to reshape society step by step. We can’t
abandon people. This is hard for the left to
get. It is not, for us, a rhetorical
position. It comes from our answering the
crisis line every day. There is cheap, thin
rhetoric from the left about compassion for
the prostituted, without ever doing anything
concrete for the prostituted.”
This stance, one I support,
turns Lakeman and the collective’s other
women into outsiders among those who should
be their allies.“We
have been denounced. We have had our funding
attacked. Our members have been attacked. We
have been boycotted,” she said. “We are
shamed in public events. We are called
homophobes, transphobes, hypermoralistic,
pro-state, hateful of men and anti-sex.”
The legalization of
prostitution in Germany and the Netherlands
has expanded trafficking and led to an
explosion in child prostitution in those two
countries. Poor girls and women from Asia,
Eastern Europe and Africa have been shipped
to legal brothels there. The wretched of the
earth, part of the neoliberal model, are
imported to serve the desires and fetishes
of those in the industrialized world.
Forced labor in the global
private economy generates illegal profits of
$150 billion, according to a report by the
International Labour Organization. The
ILO estimated that almost two-thirds of the
profits, $99 billion, came from commercial
sexual exploitation. More than half of the
21 million people the ILO estimates as
having been coerced into forced labor and
modern-day slavery are girls and women
trafficked for sex. They are moved from poor
countries to rich countries as if they were
livestock. The report does not cover
internal trafficking in which women are
transported from rural to urban areas or
from neighborhood to neighborhood.
Traffickers hold out promises of legitimate,
well-paying jobs to poor women, but when the
victims show up, the traffickers or the
pimps strip them of their documents and
throw them into a crippling debt peonage, a
burden that stems from trumped-up fees or
having to borrow money to obtain the drugs
used to addict them. The average age at
which a woman enters prostitution is 16. In
one study the
average age at which prostitutes died
was 34. Women forced into sexual slavery in
Europe, the ILO estimated, can each generate
a profit of
$34,800 a year for those who hold them
in bondage.
Lakeman called what has
happened in countries such as Germany and
the Netherlands “the industrialization of
prostitution.”
Sweden in 1999
criminalized the purchasing of sex. Norway
and Iceland have done the same. The two
responses—the German model and the so-called
Nordic model—have had dramatically different
effects. The German and Dutch approach
normalizes and expands human trafficking and
prostitution. The Nordic approach contains
it. Sweden has cut street prostitution by
half and freed many women from sexual
slavery. Lakeman, citing the Nordic model,
calls for criminalizing the buying, rather
than the offering, of sexual services. Those
whose bodies are being sold should not be
punished, she said.
Since December the
purchase of sex has been illegal in Canada.
The Protection of Communities and Exploited
Persons Act, or Bill C-36, criminalizes the
purchase of sexual services and
decriminalizes the sale of those services.
It restricts the advertisement of sexual
services and communication in public for the
purpose of prostitution. But the law has
triggered fierce opposition, and it faces
threats of a legal challenge. The Ontario
premier, the Vancouver Police Board, law
enforcement officials and some other
political bodies and politicians have
announced they will not implement it. The
New Democratic Party, Canada’s
second-largest party, and the Liberal Party
have said they will work for the
legalization of prostitution. There is no
guarantee that the law will hold as economic
and sexual inequality widens across the
globe.
“The global trade,
particularly of Asian women, has been
steadily worsened by the neoliberal policies
of First World countries,” said Alice Lee,
part of the Asian Women Coalition Ending
Prostitution. “These policies are grounded
in social disparities of race, class and
gender. They create conditions that force
poor women to migrate. Those who support
legalizing prostitution often argue that
trafficking is bad, but prostitution is
acceptable. But trafficking and prostitution
are inseparable.”
“Asian women are
trafficked primarily to earn money in
prostitution to support their families,” she
said. “And we are developing generations of
women who are prostituted and are abandoned
to exploitation. When we were in Cambodia we
went to a neighborhood where women aged out
as prostitutes in the 20s and where 90
percent of the women became prostitutes.
Communism in China stamped out prostitution,
at least visible prostitution. But with
Chinese capitalism, prostitution is
everywhere.”
“Women in China work for a
dollar a day in factories,” Lee said.
“Traffickers trick these women into
prostitution by offering an escape from
their despair with a promise of better jobs
and improved working conditions. In mining
towns and centers of resource extraction
women are recruited and brought in as
prostitutes to service the men. They are
brought into military bases and to tourist
sites. Where there is economic exploitation,
militarism and ecological destruction, women
are being prostituted and exploited.”
“For women of color,
prostitution is an extension of
imperialism,” Lee said. “It is sexualized
racism. Prostitution is built on the social
power disparities of race and color. Women
of color are disproportionately exploited
through prostitution. This racism is not
acknowledged by those in First World
countries, including the left. Sexualized
racism renders us invisible and irrelevant.
It makes it impossible for us to be
considered human.”
“Third World women are
used in the developed world for domestic
labor, the care of the old and the
undisciplined sexuality of the men,” Lakeman
said. “Our liberty as women cannot rest on
this deal.”
Many indigenous women on
the streets in the Downtown Eastside have
been severely beaten, tortured or murdered
or have disappeared. The Royal Canadian
Mounted Police in May 2014 issued a report
that said that 1,017 indigenous women and
girls in Canada were murdered between 1980
and 2012, a figure aboriginal women’s groups
contend is too conservative. As prostitution
and pornography become normalized, so does
male violence against women.
“When some women are
bought and sold,” said Hilla Kerner, an
Israeli who has worked at the shelter for 10
years, “all women can be bought and sold.
When some women are objectified, all women
are objectified.”
Chris Hedges previously
spent nearly two decades as a foreign
correspondent in Central America, the Middle
East, Africa and the Balkans. He has
reported from more than 50 countries and has
worked for The Christian Science Monitor,
National Public Radio, The Dallas Morning
News and The New York Times, for which he
was a foreign correspondent for 15 years.
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