Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is addressing a joint meeting of Congress; here is a complete transcript of his remarks.
NETANYAHU: Thank you.
(APPLAUSE)
Thank you...
(APPLAUSE)
... Speaker of the House John Boehner, President Pro Tem Senator Orrin Hatch, Senator Minority -- Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi, and House Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy.
I also want to acknowledge Senator, Democratic Leader Harry Reid. Harry, it's good to see you back on your feet.
(APPLAUSE)
I guess it's true what they say, you can't keep a good man down.
(LAUGHTER)
My friends, I'm deeply humbled by the opportunity to speak for a third time before the most important legislative body in the world, the U.S. Congress.
(APPLAUSE)
I want to thank you all for being here today. I know that my speech has been the subject of much controversy. I deeply regret that some perceive my being here as political. That was never my intention.
I want to thank you, Democrats and Republicans, for your common support for Israel, year after year, decade after decade.
(APPLAUSE)
I know that no matter on which side of the aisle you sit, you stand with Israel.
(APPLAUSE)
[READ: Republicans loved every word of Bibi's address]
The remarkable alliance between Israel and the United States has always been above politics. It must always remain above politics.
(APPLAUSE)
Because America and Israel, we share a common destiny, the destiny of promised lands that cherish freedom and offer hope. Israel is grateful for the support of American -- of America's people and of America's presidents, from Harry Truman to Barack Obama.
(APPLAUSE)
We appreciate all that President Obama has done for Israel.
Now, some of that is widely known.
(APPLAUSE)
Some of that is widely known, like strengthening security cooperation and intelligence sharing, opposing anti-Israel resolutions at the U.N.
Some of what the president has done for Israel is less well- known.
I called him in 2010 when we had the Carmel forest fire, and he immediately agreed to respond to my request for urgent aid.
In 2011, we had our embassy in Cairo under siege, and again, he provided vital assistance at the crucial moment.
Or his support for more missile interceptors during our operation last summer when we took on Hamas terrorists.
(APPLAUSE)
In each of those moments, I called the president, and he was there.
And some of what the president has done for Israel might never be known, because it touches on some of the most sensitive and strategic issues that arise between an American president and an Israeli prime minister.
But I know it, and I will always be grateful to President Obama for that support.
(APPLAUSE)
And Israel is grateful to
you, the American Congress,
for your support, for
supporting us in so many
ways, especially in generous
military assistance and
missile defense, including
Iron Dome.
(APPLAUSE)
Last summer, millions of
Israelis were protected from
thousands of Hamas rockets
because this capital dome
helped build our Iron Dome.
(APPLAUSE)
Thank you, America. Thank
you for everything you've
done for Israel.
My friends, I've come here
today because, as prime
minister of Israel, I feel a
profound obligation to speak
to you about an issue that
could well threaten the
survival of my country and
the future of my people:
Iran's quest for nuclear
weapons.
We're an ancient people. In
our nearly 4,000 years of
history, many have tried
repeatedly to destroy the
Jewish people. Tomorrow
night, on the Jewish holiday
of Purim, we'll read the
Book of Esther. We'll read
of a powerful Persian
viceroy named Haman, who
plotted to destroy the
Jewish people some 2,500
years ago. But a courageous
Jewish woman, Queen Esther,
exposed the plot and gave
for the Jewish people the
right to defend themselves
against their enemies.
The plot was foiled. Our
people were saved.
(APPLAUSE)
Today the Jewish people face
another attempt by yet
another Persian potentate to
destroy us. Iran's Supreme
Leader Ayatollah Khamenei
spews the oldest hatred, the
oldest hatred of
anti-Semitism with the
newest technology. He tweets
that Israel must be
annihilated -- he tweets.
You know, in Iran, there
isn't exactly free Internet.
But he tweets in English
that Israel must be
destroyed.
For those who believe that
Iran threatens the Jewish
state, but not the Jewish
people, listen to Hassan
Nasrallah, the leader of
Hezbollah, Iran's chief
terrorist proxy. He said: If
all the Jews gather in
Israel, it will save us the
trouble of chasing them down
around the world.
But Iran's regime is not
merely a Jewish problem, any
more than the Nazi regime
was merely a Jewish problem.
The 6 million Jews murdered
by the Nazis were but a
fraction of the 60 million
people killed in World War
II. So, too, Iran's regime
poses a grave threat, not
only to Israel, but also the
peace of the entire world.
To understand just how
dangerous Iran would be with
nuclear weapons, we must
fully understand the nature
of the regime.
The people of Iran are very
talented people. They're
heirs to one of the world's
great civilizations. But in
1979, they were hijacked by
religious zealots --
religious zealots who
imposed on them immediately
a dark and brutal
dictatorship.
That year, the zealots
drafted a constitution, a
new one for Iran. It
directed the revolutionary
guards not only to protect
Iran's borders, but also to
fulfill the ideological
mission of jihad. The
regime's founder, Ayatollah
Khomeini, exhorted his
followers to "export the
revolution throughout the
world."
I'm standing here in
Washington, D.C. and the
difference is so stark.
America's founding document
promises life, liberty and
the pursuit of happiness.
Iran's founding document
pledges death, tyranny, and
the pursuit of jihad. And as
states are collapsing across
the Middle East, Iran is
charging into the void to do
just that.
Iran's goons in Gaza, its
lackeys in Lebanon, its
revolutionary guards on the
Golan Heights are clutching
Israel with three tentacles
of terror. Backed by Iran,
Assad is slaughtering
Syrians. Back by Iran,
Shiite militias are
rampaging through Iraq. Back
by Iran, Houthis are seizing
control of Yemen,
threatening the strategic
straits at the mouth of the
Red Sea. Along with the
Straits of Hormuz, that
would give Iran a second
choke-point on the world's
oil supply.
Just last week, near Hormuz,
Iran carried out a military
exercise blowing up a mock
U.S. aircraft carrier.
That's just last week, while
they're having nuclear talks
with the United States. But
unfortunately, for the last
36 years, Iran's attacks
against the United States
have been anything but mock.
And the targets have been
all too real.
Iran took dozens of
Americans hostage in Tehran,
murdered hundreds of
American soldiers, Marines,
in Beirut, and was
responsible for killing and
maiming thousands of
American service men and
women in Iraq and
Afghanistan.
Beyond the Middle East, Iran
attacks America and its
allies through its global
terror network. It blew up
the Jewish community center
and the Israeli embassy in
Buenos Aires. It helped Al
Qaida bomb U.S. embassies in
Africa. It even attempted to
assassinate the Saudi
ambassador, right here in
Washington, D.C.
In the Middle East, Iran now
dominates four Arab
capitals, Baghdad, Damascus,
Beirut and Sanaa. And if
Iran's aggression is left
unchecked, more will surely
follow.
So, at a time when many hope
that Iran will join the
community of nations, Iran
is busy gobbling up the
nations.
(APPLAUSE)
We must all stand together
to stop Iran's march of
conquest, subjugation and
terror.
(APPLAUSE)
Now, two years ago, we were
told to give President
Rouhani and Foreign Minister
Zarif a chance to bring
change and moderation to
Iran. Some change! Some
moderation!
Rouhani's government hangs
gays, persecutes Christians,
jails journalists and
executes even more prisoners
than before.
Last year, the same Zarif
who charms Western diplomats
laid a wreath at the grave
of Imad Mughniyeh. Imad
Mughniyeh is the terrorist
mastermind who spilled more
American blood than any
other terrorist besides
Osama bin Laden. I'd like to
see someone ask him a
question about that.
Iran's regime is as radical
as ever, its cries of "Death
to America," that same
America that it calls the
"Great Satan," as loud as
ever.
Now, this shouldn't be
surprising, because the
ideology of Iran's
revolutionary regime is
deeply rooted in militant
Islam, and that's why this
regime will always be an
enemy of America.
Don't be fooled. The battle
between Iran and ISIS
doesn't turn Iran into a
friend of America.
Iran and ISIS are competing
for the crown of militant
Islam. One calls itself the
Islamic Republic. The other
calls itself the Islamic
State. Both want to impose a
militant Islamic empire
first on the region and then
on the entire world. They
just disagree among
themselves who will be the
ruler of that empire.
In this deadly game of
thrones, there's no place
for America or for Israel,
no peace for Christians,
Jews or Muslims who don't
share the Islamist medieval
creed, no rights for women,
no freedom for anyone.
So when it comes to Iran and
ISIS, the enemy of your
enemy is your enemy.
(APPLAUSE)
The difference is that ISIS
is armed with butcher
knives, captured weapons and
YouTube, whereas Iran could
soon be armed with
intercontinental ballistic
missiles and nuclear bombs.
We must always remember --
I'll say it one more time --
the greatest dangers facing
our world is the marriage of
militant Islam with nuclear
weapons. To defeat ISIS and
let Iran get nuclear weapons
would be to win the battle,
but lose the war. We can't
let that happen.
(APPLAUSE)
But that, my friends, is
exactly what could happen,
if the deal now being
negotiated is accepted by
Iran. That deal will not
prevent Iran from developing
nuclear weapons. It would
all but guarantee that Iran
gets those weapons, lots of
them.
Let me explain why. While
the final deal has not yet
been signed, certain
elements of any potential
deal are now a matter of
public record. You don't
need intelligence agencies
and secret information to
know this. You can Google
it.
Absent a dramatic change, we
know for sure that any deal
with Iran will include two
major concessions to Iran.
The first major concession
would leave Iran with a vast
nuclear infrastructure,
providing it with a short
break-out time to the bomb.
Break-out time is the time
it takes to amass enough
weapons-grade uranium or
plutonium for a nuclear
bomb.
According to the deal, not a
single nuclear facility
would be demolished.
Thousands of centrifuges
used to enrich uranium would
be left spinning. Thousands
more would be temporarily
disconnected, but not
destroyed.
Because Iran's nuclear
program would be left
largely intact, Iran's
break-out time would be very
short -- about a year by
U.S. assessment, even
shorter by Israel's.
And if -- if Iran's work on
advanced centrifuges, faster
and faster centrifuges, is
not stopped, that break-out
time could still be shorter,
a lot shorter.
True, certain restrictions
would be imposed on Iran's
nuclear program and Iran's
adherence to those
restrictions would be
supervised by international
inspectors. But here's the
problem. You see, inspectors
document violations; they
don't stop them.
Inspectors knew when North
Korea broke to the bomb, but
that didn't stop anything.
North Korea turned off the
cameras, kicked out the
inspectors. Within a few
years, it got the bomb.
Now, we're warned that
within five years North
Korea could have an arsenal
of 100 nuclear bombs.
Like North Korea, Iran, too,
has defied international
inspectors. It's done that
on at least three separate
occasions -- 2005, 2006,
2010. Like North Korea, Iran
broke the locks, shut off
the cameras.
Now, I know this is not
gonna come a shock -- as a
shock to any of you, but
Iran not only defies
inspectors, it also plays a
pretty good game of
hide-and-cheat with them.
The U.N.'s nuclear watchdog
agency, the IAEA, said again
yesterday that Iran still
refuses to come clean about
its military nuclear
program. Iran was also
caught -- caught twice, not
once, twice -- operating
secret nuclear facilities in
Natanz and Qom, facilities
that inspectors didn't even
know existed.
Right now, Iran could be
hiding nuclear facilities
that we don't know about,
the U.S. and Israel. As the
former head of inspections
for the IAEA said in 2013,
he said, "If there's no
undeclared installation
today in Iran, it will be
the first time in 20 years
that it doesn't have one."
Iran has proven time and
again that it cannot be
trusted. And that's why the
first major concession is a
source of great concern. It
leaves Iran with a vast
nuclear infrastructure and
relies on inspectors to
prevent a breakout. That
concession creates a real
danger that Iran could get
to the bomb by violating the
deal.
But the second major
concession creates an even
greater danger that Iran
could get to the bomb by
keeping the deal. Because
virtually all the
restrictions on Iran's
nuclear program will
automatically expire in
about a decade.
Now, a decade may seem like
a long time in political
life, but it's the blink of
an eye in the life of a
nation. It's a blink of an
eye in the life of our
children. We all have a
responsibility to consider
what will happen when Iran's
nuclear capabilities are
virtually unrestricted and
all the sanctions will have
been lifted. Iran would then
be free to build a huge
nuclear capacity that could
product many, many nuclear
bombs.
Iran's Supreme Leader says
that openly. He says, Iran
plans to have 190,000
centrifuges, not 6,000 or
even the 19,000 that Iran
has today, but 10 times that
amount -- 190,000
centrifuges enriching
uranium. With this massive
capacity, Iran could make
the fuel for an entire
nuclear arsenal and this in
a matter of weeks, once it
makes that decision.
My long-time friend, John
Kerry, Secretary of State,
confirmed last week that
Iran could legitimately
possess that massive
centrifuge capacity when the
deal expires.
Now I want you to think
about that. The foremost
sponsor of global terrorism
could be weeks away from
having enough enriched
uranium for an entire
arsenal of nuclear weapons
and this with full
international legitimacy.
And by the way, if Iran's
Intercontinental Ballistic
Missile program is not part
of the deal, and so far,
Iran refuses to even put it
on the negotiating table.
Well, Iran could have the
means to deliver that
nuclear arsenal to the
far-reach corners of the
earth, including to every
part of the United States.
So you see, my friends, this
deal has two major
concessions: one, leaving
Iran with a vast nuclear
program and two, lifting the
restrictions on that program
in about a decade. That's
why this deal is so bad. It
doesn't block Iran's path to
the bomb; it paves Iran's
path to the bomb.
So why would anyone make
this deal? Because they hope
that Iran will change for
the better in the coming
years, or they believe that
the alternative to this deal
is worse?
Well, I disagree. I don't
believe that Iran's radical
regime will change for the
better after this deal. This
regime has been in power for
36 years, and its voracious
appetite for aggression
grows with each passing
year. This deal would wet
appetite -- would only wet
Iran's appetite for more.
Would Iran be less
aggressive when sanctions
are removed and its economy
is stronger? If Iran is
gobbling up four countries
right now while it's under
sanctions, how many more
countries will Iran devour
when sanctions are lifted?
Would Iran fund less
terrorism when it has
mountains of cash with which
to fund more terrorism?
Why should Iran's radical
regime change for the better
when it can enjoy the best
of both world's: aggression
abroad, prosperity at home?
This is a question that
everyone asks in our region.
Israel's neighbors -- Iran's
neighbors know that Iran
will become even more
aggressive and sponsor even
more terrorism when its
economy is unshackled and
it's been given a clear path
to the bomb.
And many of these neighbors
say they'll respond by
racing to get nuclear
weapons of their own. So
this deal won't change Iran
for the better; it will only
change the Middle East for
the worse. A deal that's
supposed to prevent nuclear
proliferation would instead
spark a nuclear arms race in
the most dangerous part of
the planet.
This deal won't be a
farewell to arms. It would
be a farewell to arms
control. And the Middle East
would soon be crisscrossed
by nuclear tripwires. A
region where small
skirmishes can trigger big
wars would turn into a
nuclear tinderbox.
If anyone thinks -- if
anyone thinks this deal
kicks the can down the road,
think again. When we get
down that road, we'll face a
much more dangerous Iran, a
Middle East littered with
nuclear bombs and a
countdown to a potential
nuclear nightmare.
Ladies and gentlemen, I've
come here today to tell you
we don't have to bet the
security of the world on the
hope that Iran will change
for the better. We don't
have to gamble with our
future and with our
children's future.
We can insist that
restrictions on Iran's
nuclear program not be
lifted for as long as Iran
continues its aggression in
the region and in the world.
(APPLAUSE)
Before lifting those
restrictions, the world
should demand that Iran do
three things. First, stop
its aggression against its
neighbors in the Middle
East. Second...
(APPLAUSE)
Second, stop supporting
terrorism around the world.
(APPLAUSE)
And third, stop threatening
to annihilate my country,
Israel, the one and only
Jewish state.
(APPLAUSE)
Thank you.
If the world powers are not
prepared to insist that Iran
change its behavior before a
deal is signed, at the very
least they should insist
that Iran change its
behavior before a deal
expires.
(APPLAUSE)
If Iran changes its
behavior, the restrictions
would be lifted. If Iran
doesn't change its behavior,
the restrictions should not
be lifted.
(APPLAUSE)
If Iran wants to be treated
like a normal country, let
it act like a normal
country.
(APPLAUSE)
My friends, what about the
argument that there's no
alternative to this deal,
that Iran's nuclear know-how
cannot be erased, that its
nuclear program is so
advanced that the best we
can do is delay the
inevitable, which is
essentially what the
proposed deal seeks to do?
Well, nuclear know-how
without nuclear
infrastructure doesn't get
you very much. A racecar
driver without a car can't
drive. A pilot without a
plan can't fly. Without
thousands of centrifuges,
tons of enriched uranium or
heavy water facilities, Iran
can't make nuclear weapons.
(APPLAUSE)
Iran's nuclear program can
be rolled back well-beyond
the current proposal by
insisting on a better deal
and keeping up the pressure
on a very vulnerable regime,
especially given the recent
collapse in the price of
oil.
(APPLAUSE)
Now, if Iran threatens to
walk away from the table --
and this often happens in a
Persian bazaar -- call their
bluff. They'll be back,
because they need the deal a
lot more than you do.
(APPLAUSE)
And by maintaining the
pressure on Iran and on
those who do business with
Iran, you have the power to
make them need it even more.
My friends, for over a year,
we've been told that no deal
is better than a bad deal.
Well, this is a bad deal.
It's a very bad deal. We're
better off without it.
(APPLAUSE)
Now we're being told that
the only alternative to this
bad deal is war. That's just
not true.
The alternative to this bad
deal is a much better deal.
(APPLAUSE)
A better deal that doesn't
leave Iran with a vast
nuclear infrastructure and
such a short break-out time.
A better deal that keeps the
restrictions on Iran's
nuclear program in place
until Iran's aggression
ends.
(APPLAUSE)
A better deal that won't
give Iran an easy path to
the bomb. A better deal that
Israel and its neighbors may
not like, but with which we
could live, literally. And
no country...
(APPLAUSE)
... no country has a greater
stake -- no country has a
greater stake than Israel in
a good deal that peacefully
removes this threat.
Ladies and gentlemen,
history has placed us at a
fateful crossroads. We must
now choose between two
paths. One path leads to a
bad deal that will at best
curtail Iran's nuclear
ambitions for a while, but
it will inexorably lead to a
nuclear-armed Iran whose
unbridled aggression will
inevitably lead to war.
The second path, however
difficult, could lead to a
much better deal, that would
prevent a nuclear-armed
Iran, a nuclearized Middle
East and the horrific
consequences of both to all
of humanity.
You don't have to read
Robert Frost to know. You
have to live life to know
that the difficult path is
usually the one less
traveled, but it will make
all the difference for the
future of my country, the
security of the Middle East
and the peace of the world,
the peace, we all desire.
(APPLAUSE)
My friend, standing up to
Iran is not easy. Standing
up to dark and murderous
regimes never is. With us
today is Holocaust survivor
and Nobel Prize winner Elie
Wiesel.
(APPLAUSE)
Elie, your life and work
inspires to give meaning to
the words, "never again."
(APPLAUSE)
And I wish I could promise
you, Elie, that the lessons
of history have been
learned. I can only urge the
leaders of the world not to
repeat the mistakes of the
past.
(APPLAUSE)
Not to sacrifice the future
for the present; not to
ignore aggression in the
hopes of gaining an illusory
peace.
But I can guarantee you
this, the days when the
Jewish people remained
passive in the face of
genocidal enemies, those
days are over.
(APPLAUSE)
We are no longer scattered
among the nations, powerless
to defend ourselves. We
restored our sovereignty in
our ancient home. And the
soldiers who defend our home
have boundless courage. For
the first time in 100
generations, we, the Jewish
people, can defend
ourselves.
(APPLAUSE)
This is why -- this is why,
as a prime minister of
Israel, I can promise you
one more thing: Even if
Israel has to stand alone,
Israel will stand.
(APPLAUSE)
But I know that Israel does
not stand alone. I know that
America stands with Israel.
(APPLAUSE)
I know that you stand with
Israel.
(APPLAUSE)
You stand with Israel,
because you know that the
story of Israel is not only
the story of the Jewish
people but of the human
spirit that refuses again
and again to succumb to
history's horrors.
(APPLAUSE)
Facing me right up there in
the gallery, overlooking all
of us in this (inaudible)
chamber is the image of
Moses. Moses led our people
from slavery to the gates of
the Promised Land.
And before the people of
Israel entered the land of
Israel, Moses gave us a
message that has steeled our
resolve for thousands of
years. I leave you with his
message today, (SPEAKING IN
HEBREW), "Be strong and
resolute, neither fear nor
dread them."
My friends, may Israel and
America always stand
together, strong and
resolute. May we neither
fear nor dread the
challenges ahead. May we
face the future with
confidence, strength and
hope.
May God bless the state of
Israel and may God bless the
United States of America.
(APPLAUSE)
Thank you. Thank you very
much. Thank you all.
You're wonderful.
Thank you, America. Thank
you.
Thank you.
