Michael Hudson says Greece's Finance
Minister Yanis Varoufakis is proposing
austerity on the banking class, rather than
the working class, to balance the budget.
Posted
February 25, 2015
Transcript
SHARMINI PERIES, EXEC.
PRODUCER, TRNN: Welcome to The Real News
Network. I'm Sharmini Peries, coming to you
from Baltimore.
The four-month extension secured by the
Greek finance minister, Yanis Varoufakis, on
Friday came with the condition that Greece
provide a list of measures to quell the
concerns of its international lenders,
especially the German banks represented by
the finance ministers in Brussels, who
feared that Athens might bail on the
promises to cut spending and implement
austerity measures. So, on Sunday, Athens
provided that list.
Now joining us to discuss the tabled plan is
Michael Hudson. He is a distinguished
research professor of economics at the
University of Missouri-Kansas City. His
upcoming book is titled Killing the Host:
How Financial Parasites and Debt Bondage
Destroyed the Global Economy.
Thank you so much for joining us, Michael.
MICHAEL HUDSON, ECONOMICS PROF., UNIV.
MISSOURI, KANSAS CITY: Thank you.
PERIES: So, Michael, these international
banks represented by the finance ministers
now in Brussels, when they were in crisis
and we the public treasury bailed them out,
they had no problem with that. Why are they
now refusing to assist Greece at a time of
need when in fact some politicians and even
the troika is being more receptive to what
Greece is saying?
HUDSON: Because what's at issue really is a
class war. It's not so much Germany versus
Greece, as the papers say. It's really the
war of the banks against labor. And it's a
continuation of Thatcherism and
neoliberalism.
The problem isn't simply that the troika
wants Greece to balance the budget; it
wanted Greece to balance the budget by
lowering wages and by imposing austerity on
the labor force. But instead, the terms in
which Varoufakis has suggested balancing the
budget are to impose austerity on the
financial class, on the tycoons, on the tax
dodgers. And he said, okay, instead of
lowering pensions to the workers, instead of
shrinking the domestic market, instead of
pursuing a self-defeating austerity, we're
going to raise two and a half billion from
the powerful Greek tycoons. We're going to
collect the back taxes that they have. We're
going to crack down on illegal smuggling of
oil and the other networks and on the real
estate owners that have been avoiding taxes,
because the Greek upper classes have become
notorious for tax dodging.
Well, this has infuriated the banks, because
it turns out the finance ministers of Europe
are not all in favor of balancing the budget
if it has to be balanced by taxing the rich,
because the banks know that whatever taxes
the rich are able to avoid ends up being
paid to the banks. So now the gloves are off
and the class war is sort of back.
Originally, Varoufakis thought he was
negotiating with the troika, that is, with
the IMF, the European Central Bank, and the
Euro Council. But instead they said, no, no,
you're negotiating with the finance
ministers. And the finance ministers in
Europe are very much like Tim Geithner in
the United States. They're lobbyists for the
big banks. And the finance minister said,
how can we screw up this and make sure that
we treat Greece as an object lesson, pretty
much like America treated Cuba in 1960?
PERIES: Hold on, hold on for one second,
Michael. Let's explain that, because Yanis
Varoufakis, the finance minister of Greece,
is very well-briefed and very
well-positioned to negotiate all of this.
Now, why did he think he was negotiating
with the troika when in fact he was
negotiating with [crosstalk]
HUDSON: Because officially that's who he's
negotiating with. He went and he took them
at their word. And then he found out--and
yesterday, Jamie Galbraith, who went with
him to Europe, published in Fortune a
description saying, wait a minute, the
finance ministers are fighting with the
troika. The troika don't have their story
straight. The troika and the finance
ministers are all fighting among themselves
over what exactly is to be done. And to
really throw a monkey wrench in, the German
finance minister, Schäuble, said, wait a
minute, we've got to bring in the Spanish
government and the Portuguese government and
the Finnish government, and they've got to
agree.
Well, all of a sudden the position of Spain,
for instance, is, wait a minute, we're in
power, we're a Thatcherite neoliberal party.
If Greece ends up not going along with
austerity and saving its workers, then
Podemos Party in Greece, in Spain, is going
to win the next election and we'll be out of
power. We have to make sure that Varoufakis
and the SYRIZA Party is a failure, so that
we ourselves can tell the working class, you
see what happened to Greece? It got smashed,
and we're going to smash you if you try to
do what they do; if you try to tax the rich,
if you try to take over the banks and
prevent the kleptocracy, there's going to be
a disaster.
So, obviously, Greece and Portugal want to
impose austerity on--Spain and Portugal want
to impose austerity on Greece. And even
Ireland now has chimed in and said, my God,
what have we done? We have imposed austerity
for a decade in order to bail out the banks.
Even the IMF has criticized us for going
along with Europe and bailing out the banks
and imposing austerity. If SYRIZA wins in
avoiding austerity in Greece, then all of
our sacrifice of our population, all of the
poverty that we've imposed, all of the
Thatcherism that we've imposed has been
needless, and we didn't have to do it.
So there's a whole demonstration effect,
which is why they're treating Greece almost
as a symbol for--the class war as a symbol
for labor saying, wait a minute, we don't
have to impose austerity, we can collect
taxes from the tax dodgers.
Remember a few years ago when Europe said,
Greece owes 50 billion euros in foreign
debt? Well, it turned out that the central
bank had given to the Greek parties a list
called the Lagarde list (for Christine
Lagarde, head of the IMF) of all of the tax
dodgers, Greek tax dodgers who had Swiss
bank accounts. Well, the Swiss bank accounts
that the tax dodgers had ended up to about
50 billion euros. So Greece could pay off
the debt that it's borrowed simply by moving
against the tax dodgers.
But, of course, this would be at the expense
of the Swiss banks and the other banks. So
in effect the banks would be paying
themselves. And they don't want to pay
themselves. They want to squeeze it out of
labor and let the tax dodgers and the Greek
tycoons succeed in stealing the money from
the government. So, in effect, the
troika--not the troika, the finance
ministers, really, are backing the tax
dodgers and the crooks in Greece that SYRIZA
is trying to move against, whereas the IMF
is actually, for once, taking a softer
position towards the whole thing. And even
President Obama has chimed in by apparently
calling German Prime Minister Merkel and
saying, look, you can't just push austerity
beyond the point, because you're going to
push them out of the euro, and you'll push
them out of the euro on SYRIZA's terms,
where SYRIZA can then turn to the Greek
population and say, wait a minute, we did
what we promised here. We stopped the
austerity. We didn't withdraw from the euro;
we were driven out as part of the class war.
PERIES: Michael, earlier you were also
making an analogy between what's going on in
Greece and what happened to Cuba [crosstalk]
HUDSON: Cuba under Castro had an alternative
social system. He wanted to spread the
wealth around (it was a Marxist system) in
his way. He wanted to get rid of really the
crooks around Batista who were running the
country, the rich who didn't pay taxes, and
he wanted to have a social revolution there.
So the American government said, wait a
minute, if Cuba succeeds, then they're going
to be a revolution all throughout Latin
America. Latin Americans can realize, wait a
minute, we can take over the American sugar
companies there, we can take over the
American banana companies there, we can make
the rich pay the taxes and the corporations
pay the taxes and the exporters pay the
taxes, not simply the labor. We can unionize
labor, we can educate it, and if Cuba can
educate labor, that would be a disaster for
the neoliberal plan, because if labor's
educated and has a program, then it'll
realize that there is an alternative to
Thatcherism.
Well, this is the problem that Varoufakis
wrote about in an article earlier this month
in The Guardian on how he came out of the
Marxist movement. He said, the whole problem
that we're facing in Greece is that if we
withdraw from the euro, if we're forced out,
there's going to be an economic trauma, and
the left wing throughout Europe, as in
America, doesn't really have an economic
program. It has a political program, but not
really an economic program. And the only
alternative to SYRIZA with an economic
program are the New Dawn movement and the
neo-Nazis. And what Varoufakis is worried
about is he's not only contending with the
European finance ministers on one front, but
he's contending on the Greek front with the
right-wing parties that are the nationalist
parties, like Marie Le Pen in France, the
parties that are saying, yes, we have an
alternative: withdraw from the euro. But
it's not the kind of withdrawal and
alternative that the left wing would have,
because there really isn't much of a left
wing in Greece, apart from the small SYRIZA
party, certainly not Papandreou's socialist
party, and certainly not the socialist
parties nominally socialist party in Spain,
which is a Thatcherite party, and it's
certainly not the British Labour Party,
which has gone the way of Tony Blair.
So the problem is that Varoufakis has about
four months to educate the Greek public in
the fact that, yes, there is alternative,
here's what it is. The alternative to
neoliberalism doesn't have to be right-wing
nationalism. There is a socialist
alternative, and we're trying to work out as
many arrangements we can, so if we're driven
out of the euro and if the banks go under,
we have a fallback plan. He can't come right
out and say this is the plan right now,
because it has to be made very clear that
it's the finance ministers of Germany,
Spain, Portugal, Ireland, and Finland that
are driving Greece out, not the IMF, not the
European Central Bank, and not even centrist
governments.
PERIES: Michael, thank you so much for
joining us on The Real News Network today,
and we'll be following this story at The
Real News. So do join us very soon again.
HUDSON: It's always good to be here. Thank
you.
PERIES: Thank you very much for joining us
on The Real News Network.
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