The World of Our
Grandchildren
By Noam Chomsky and David Barsamian
Jacobin is
proud to feature an interview with
journalist
David Barsamian and Professor Noam
Chomsky. In it, Chomsky explains the roots
of ISIS and why the United States and its
allies are responsible for the group’s
emergence. In particular, he argues that the
2003 invasion of Iraq provoked the sectarian
divisions that have resulted in the
destabilization of Iraqi society. The result
was a climate where Saudi-funded radicals
could thrive.
The interview also touches on
Israel’s most recent massacre in the Gaza
Strip, putting it in the context of the
vital role Israel has always played for the
United States. Chomsky then turns to today’s
racist scapegoating of Guatemalan
immigrants, tracing the conditions that lead
them to leave their homes to the Reagan
administration’s brutal destruction of the
country.
Finally,
Chomsky shares his thoughts on the growing
movement for climate justice and why he
thinks it is the most urgent of our time. The
full exchange will be broadcast by
Alternative Radio.
There are few
voices more vital to the Left than Professor
Chomsky’s. We hope you read and share the
interview widely.
========
- The
Middle East is engulfed in flames, from
Libya to Iraq. There are new jihadi groups.
The current focus is on ISIS. What about
ISIS and its origins?
There’s an interesting
interview that just appeared a couple of
days ago with Graham Fuller, a former CIA
officer, one of the leading intelligence and
mainstream analysts of the Middle East. The
title is “The United States Created ISIS.”
This is one of the conspiracy theories, the
thousands of them that go around the Middle
East.
But this is another
source: this is right at the heart of the US
establishment. He hastens to point out that
he doesn’t mean the US decided to put ISIS
into existence and then funded it. His point
is — and I think it’s accurate — that the US
created the background out of which ISIS
grew and developed. Part of it was just the
standard sledgehammer approach: smash up
what you don’t like.
In 2003, the US and
Britain invaded Iraq, a major crime. Just
this afternoon the British parliament
granted the government the authority to bomb
Iraq again. The invasion was devastating to
Iraq. Iraq had already been virtually
destroyed, first of all by the decade-long
war with Iran in which, incidentally, Iraq
was backed by the US, and then the decade of
sanctions.
They were described as
“genocidal” by the respected international
diplomats who administered them, and both
resigned in protest for that reason. They
devastated the civilian society, they
strengthened the dictator, compelled the
population to rely on him for survival.
That’s probably the reason he wasn’t sent on
the path of a whole stream of other
dictators who were overthrown.
Finally, the US just
decided to attack the country in 2003. The
attack is compared by many Iraqis to the
Mongol invasion of a thousand years earlier.
Very destructive. Hundreds of thousands of
people killed, millions of refugees,
millions of other displaced persons,
destruction of the archeological richness
and wealth of the country back to Sumeria.
One of the effects of the
invasion was immediately to institute
sectarian divisions. Part of the brilliance
of the invasion force and its civilian
director, Paul Bremer, was to separate the
sects, Sunni, Shi’a, Kurd, from one another,
set them at each other’s throats. Within a
couple of years, there was a major, brutal
sectarian conflict incited by the invasion.
You can see it if you look
at Baghdad. If you take a map of Baghdad in,
say, 2002, it’s a mixed city: Sunni and
Shi’a are living in the same neighborhoods,
they’re intermarried. In fact, sometimes
they didn’t even know who was Sunni and who
was Shi’a. It’s like knowing whether your
friends are in one Protestant group or
another Protestant group. There were
differences but it was not hostile.
In fact, for a couple of
years both sides were saying: there will
never be Sunni-Shi’a conflicts. We’re too
intermingled in the nature of our lives,
where we live, and so on. By 2006 there was
a raging war. That conflict spread to the
whole region. By now, the whole region is
being torn apart by Sunni-Shi’a conflicts.
The natural dynamics of a
conflict like that is that the most extreme
elements begin to take over. They had roots.
Their roots are in the major US ally, Saudi
Arabia. That’s been the major US ally in the
region as long as the US has been seriously
involved there, in fact, since the
foundation of the Saudi state. It’s kind of
a family dictatorship. The reason is it has
a huge amount oil.
Britain, before the US,
had typically preferred radical Islamism to
secular nationalism. And when the US took
over, it essentially took the same stand.
Radical Islam is centered in Saudi Arabia.
It’s the most extremist, radical Islamic
state in the world. It makes Iran look like
a tolerant, modern country by comparison,
and, of course, the secular parts of the
Arab Middle East even more so.
It’s not only directed by
an extremist version of Islam, the Wahhabi
Salafi version, but it’s also a missionary
state. So it uses its huge oil resources to
promulgate these doctrines throughout the
region. It establishes schools, mosques,
clerics, all over the place, from Pakistan
to North Africa.
An extremist version of
Saudi extremism is the doctrine that was
picked up by ISIS. So it grew ideologically
out of the most extremist form of Islam, the
Saudi version, and the conflicts that were
engendered by the US sledgehammer that
smashed up Iraq and has now spread
everywhere. That’s what Fuller means.
Saudi Arabia not only
provides the ideological core that led to
the ISIS radical extremism, but it also
funds them. Not the Saudi government, but
wealthy Saudis, wealthy Kuwaitis, and others
provide the funding and the ideological
support for these jihadi groups that are
springing up all over the place. This attack
on the region by the US and Britain is the
source, where this thing originates. That’s
what Fuller meant by saying the United
States
created ISIS.
You can be pretty
confident that as conflicts develop, they
will become more extremist. The most brutal,
harshest groups will take over. That’s what
happens when violence becomes the means of
interaction. It’s almost automatic. That’s
true in neighborhoods, it’s true in
international affairs. The dynamics are
perfectly evident. That’s what’s happening.
That’s where ISIS comes from. If they manage
to destroy ISIS, they will have something
more extreme on their hands.
And the
media are obedient. In Obama’s September 10
speech, he cited two countries as success
stories of the US counterinsurgency
strategy. What were the two countries?
Somalia and Yemen. Jaws should have been
dropping all over the place, but there was
virtual silence in the commentary the next
day.
The Somalia case is
particularly horrendous. Yemen is bad
enough. Somalia is an extremely poor
country. I won’t run through the whole
history. But one of the great achievements,
one of the great boasts of the Bush
administration counterterror policy was that
they had succeeded in shutting down a
charity, the
Barakat charity, which was fueling
terrorism in Somalia. Big excitement in the
press. That’s a real achievement.
A couple of months later
the facts started leaking out. The charity
had absolutely nothing to do with terrorism
in Somalia. What it had to do with was
banking, commerce, relief, hospitals. It was
sort of keeping the deeply impoverished and
battered Somali economy alive. By shutting
it down, the Bush administration had ended
this. That was the contribution to
counterinsurgency. That got a few lines. You
can read it in books on international
finance. That’s what’s being done to
Somalia.
There was a moment when
the so-called Islamic courts, they were
called, an Islamic organization, had
achieved a kind of a measure of peace in
Somalia. Not a pretty regime, but at least
it was peaceful and people were more or less
accepting it. The US wouldn’t tolerate it,
and it supported an Ethiopian invasion to
destroy it and turn the place back into
horrible turmoil. That’s the great
achievement.
Yemen is a horror story of
its own.
Going back
to National Public Radio and Morning
Edition, the host, David Greene, was
doing an interview with a reporter based in
Gaza, and he prefaced his interview with
this comment: “Both sides have suffered
tremendous damage.” So I thought to myself,
does this mean Haifa and Tel Aviv were
reduced to rubble, as Gaza was? Do you
remember the Jimmy Carter comment about
Vietnam?
Not only do I remember it,
I think I was the first person to comment on
it, and am probably to date practically the
only person to comment on it. Carter, the
human rights advocate, he was asked in a
press conference in 1977 a kind of mild
question: do you think we have some
responsibility for helping the Vietnamese
after the war? And he said we owe them no
debt — “the destruction was mutual.”
That passed without
comment. And it was better than his
successor. When a couple years later George
Bush I, the statesman, was commenting on the
responsibilities after the Vietnam War, he
said: there is one moral problem that
remains after the Vietnam War. The North
Vietnamese have not devoted sufficient
resources to turning over to us the bones of
American pilots. These innocent pilots who
were shot down over central Iowa by the
murderous Vietnamese when they were spraying
crops or something, they have not turned
over the bones. But, he said: we are a
merciful people, so we will forgive them
this and we will allow them to enter the
civilized world.
Meaning we’ll allow them
to enter trade relations and so on, which,
of course, we bar, if they will stop what
they’re doing and devote sufficient
resources to overcoming this one lingering
crime after the Vietnam War. No comment.
One of the
things that Israeli officials keep bringing
up, and it’s repeated here in the corporate
media, ad nauseam, is the Hamas charter.
They don’t accept the existence of the state
of the Israel, they want to wipe it off the
map. You have some information about the
charter and its background.
The charter was produced
by, apparently, a handful of people, maybe
two or three, back in 1988, at a time when
Gaza was under severe Israeli attack. You
remember
Rabin’s orders. This was a primarily
nonviolent uprising which Israel reacted to
very violently, killing leaders, torture,
breaking bones in accordance with Rabin’s
orders, and so on. And right in the middle
of that, a very small number of people came
out with what they called a Hamas charter.
Nobody has paid attention
to it since. It was an awful document, if
you look at it. Since then the only people
who have paid attention to it are Israeli
intelligence and the US media. They love it.
Nobody else cares about it. Khaled Mashal,
the political leader of Gaza years ago,
said: look, it’s past, it’s gone. It has no
significance. But that doesn’t matter. It’s
valuable propaganda.
There is also — they don’t
call it a charter, but there are founding
principles of the governing coalition in
Israel, not some small group of people who
are under attack but the governing
coalition,
Likud. The ideological core of Likud is
Menachem Begin’s Herut. They have
founding documents. Their founding documents
say that today’s Jordan is part of the land
of Israel; Israel will never renounce its
claim to the land of Jordan. What’s now
called Jordan they call the historical lands
of Israel. They’ve never renounced that.
Likud, the same governing
party, has an electoral program — it was for
1999 but it’s never been rescinded, it’s the
same today — that says explicitly there will
never be a Palestinian state west of the
Jordan. In other words, we are dedicated in
principle to the destruction of Palestine,
period.
This is not just words. We
proceed day by day to implement it. Nobody
ever mentions the founding doctrines of
Likud, Herut. I don’t either, because nobody
takes them seriously. Actually, that was
also the doctrine of the majority of the
kibbutz movement. Achdut Ha-Avodah, which
was the largest part of the kibbutz
movement, held the same principles, that
both sides of the Jordan River are ours.
There was a slogan, “This
side of the Jordan, that side also.” In
other words, both western Palestine and
eastern Palestine are ours. Does anybody
say: okay, we can’t negotiate with Israel?
More significant are the actual electoral
programs. And even more significant than
that are the actual actions, which are
implementing the destruction of Palestine,
not just talking about it. But we have to
talk about the Hamas charter.
There is an interesting
history about the so-called
PLO charter. Around 1970 the former head
of Israeli military intelligence, Yehoshafat
Harkabi, published an article in a major
Israeli journal in which he brought to light
something called the PLO charter or
something similar to that. Nobody had ever
heard of it, nobody was paying any attention
to it.
And the charter said:
here’s our aim. Our aim is it’s our land,
we’re going to take it over. In fact, it was
not unlike the Herut claims except
backwards. This instantly became a huge
media issue all over. The PLO covenant it
was called. The PLO covenant plans to
destroy Israel. They didn’t know anything
about it, nobody knew anything about it, but
this became a major issue.
I met Harkabi a couple
years later. He was kind of a dove,
incidentally. He became pretty critical of
Israeli policy. He was an interesting guy.
We had an interview here at MIT, in fact.
Incidentally, at that time there was
material in the Arab press that I was
reading saying that the Palestinians were
thinking about officially throwing out the
charter because it was kind of an
embarrassment.
So I asked him, “Why did
you bring this out for the first time just
at the time when they were thinking of
rescinding it?” He looked at me with the
blank stare that you learn to recognize when
you are talking to spooks. They are trained
to pretend not to understand what you’re
talking about when they understand it
perfectly.
He said, “Oh, I never
heard that.” That is beyond inconceivable.
It’s impossible that the head of Israeli
military intelligence doesn’t know what I
know from reading bits and pieces of the
Arab press in Beirut. Of course he knew.
There’s every reason to
believe that he decided to bring this out
precisely because he recognized, meaning
Israeli intelligence recognized, that it
would be a useful piece of propaganda and
it’s best to try to ensure that the
Palestinians keep it. Of course, if we
attack it, then they’re going to back off
and say: we’re not going to rescind it under
pressure, which is what’s happening with the
Hamas charter.
If they stopped talking
about it, everyone would forget about it,
because it’s meaningless. Incidentally, let
me just add one more thing. It is now
impossible to document this, for a simple
reason. The documents were all in the PLO
offices in Beirut. And when Israel invaded
Beirut, they stole all the archives. I
assume they must have them somewhere, but
nobody is going to get access to them.
What
accounts for the almost near unanimity of
the Congress in backing Israel? Even
Elizabeth Warren, the highly touted
Democratic senator from Massachusetts, voted
for this resolution about self-defense.
She probably knows nothing
about the Middle East. I think it’s pretty
obvious. Take the US prepositioning arms in
Israel for US use for military action in the
region. That’s one small piece of a very
close military and intelligence alliance
that goes back very far. It really took off
after 1967, although bits and pieces of it
existed before.
The US military and
intelligence regard Israel as a major base.
In fact, one of the more interesting
WikiLeaks exposures listed the Pentagon
ranking of strategic centers around the
world which were of such significance that
we have to protect them no matter what, a
small number. One of them was a couple of
miles outside Haifa, Rafael military
industries, a major military installation.
That’s where a lot of the
drone technology was developed and much
else. That’s a strategic US interest of such
significance that it ranks among the highest
in the world. Rafael understands that, to
the extent that they actually moved their
management headquarters to Washington, where
the money is. That’s indicative of the kind
of relationship there is.
And it goes way beyond
that. US investors are in love with Israel.
Warren Buffet just
bought some Israeli enterprise for, I
think, a couple billion dollars and
announced that outside the US, Israel is the
best place for US investment. And major
firms, like Intel and others, are investing
heavily in Israel, and continue to. It’s a
valuable client: it’s strategically located,
compliant, does what the US wants, it’s
available for repression and violence. The
US has used it over and over as a way of
circumventing congressional and popular
restrictions on violence.
There’s a huge fuss now
about children fleeing Central America, say,
from Guatemala. Why are they fleeing from
Guatemala? You can see a photo of one of
them here in my office. They’re fleeing from
Guatemala because of the wreckage of
Guatemala, of which a large part was the
attack on the Mayan Indians, which was
really genocidal, in the early 1980s. That’s
a Mayan woman in the photo, in fact. They’ve
never escaped this, and many of them are
fleeing.
Reagan, who was extremely
brutal and violent and a terrible racist as
well, wanted to provide direct support for
the Guatemalan army’s attack, which was
literally genocidal on the Mayan Indians.
There was a congressional resolution that
blocked him, so he turned to his terrorist
clients.
The major one was Israel.
Also Taiwan, a couple of others. Israel
provided the arms for the Guatemalan army —
to this day they use Israeli arms — provided
the trainers for the terrorist forces,
essentially ran the genocidal attack. That’s
one of their services. They did the same in
South Africa. Actually, this led to an
interesting incident with the great hero
Elie Wiesel.
In the mid-1980s,
Salvador Luria, a friend of mine who is
a Nobel laureate in biology and politically
active, knew about this. It wasn’t a big
secret. He asked me to collect articles from
the Hebrew press which described Israel’s
participation in genocidal attacks in
Guatemala — not just participation, it’s a
leadership role — because he wanted to send
it to Elie Wiesel with a polite letter
saying: as a fellow Nobel laureate, I would
like to bring this to your attention. Could
you use your influence — he didn’t ask him
to say anything, that’s too much, but
privately could you communicate to the
people you know well at a high level in
Israel and say it’s not nice to take part in
genocide. He never got a response.
A couple of months later,
I read an interview in the Hebrew press,
where they really dislike Wiesel. They
regard him as a charlatan and a fraud. One
of the questions in the interview was, “What
do you think about Israel’s participation in
the genocidal assault in Guatemala?”
The report says Wiesel
sighed and then said: I received a letter
from a fellow Nobel laureate bringing to my
attention these actions and asking me if I
could say something privately to try to
restrict them somehow, but, he said: I can’t
criticize Israel even privately. I can’t say
anything even privately that might impede
Israel’s participation in genocide. That’s
Elie Wiesel, the great moral hero.
Even this story is
astonishing. Now children and many other
refugees are fleeing from three countries:
El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala. Not
from Nicaragua, about as poor as Honduras.
Is there a difference? Yes. Nicaragua is the
one country in the 1980s that had a way of
defending itself against US terrorist forces
— an army. In the other countries the army
were the terrorist forces, supported and
armed by the US, and its Israeli client in
the worst cases. So that’s what you had.
There is a lot of upbeat
reporting now saying the flow of children
has reduced. Why? Because we’ve turned the
screws on Mexico and told them to use force
to prevent the victims of our violence from
fleeing to the US for survival. So now
they’re doing it for us, so there are fewer
coming to the border. It’s a great
humanitarian achievement of Obama’s.
Incidentally,
Honduras is in the lead. Why Honduras?
Because in 2009 there was a military coup in
Honduras which overthrew the president,
Zelaya, who was beginning to make some moves
towards badly needed reform measures, and
kicked him out of the country.
I won’t go through the
details, but it ended up with the US, under
Obama, being one of the very few countries
that recognized the coup regime and the
election that took place under its aegis,
which has turned Honduras into an even worse
horror story than it was before, way in the
lead in homicides, violence. So, yes, people
are fleeing. And therefore we have to drive
them back and ensure that they go back into
the horror chamber.
In the
current situation, it seems that this is an
opportunity for the Kurdish population of
Iraq to realize some kind of statehood, some
kind of independence, something that they’ve
wanted for a long time, and which
intersects, actually, with Israeli interests
in Iraq. They have been supporting the
Kurds, rather clandestinely, but it’s well
known that Israel has been pushing for
fragmentation of Iraq.
They are. And that’s one
of the points on which Israeli and US policy
conflict. The Kurdish areas are landlocked.
The government of Iraq has blocked their
export of oil, their only resource, and of
course opposes their statehood bid. The US
so far has been backing that.
Clandestinely, there
evidently is a flow of oil at some level
from the Kurdish area into Turkey. That’s
also a very complex relationship. Barzani,
the Iraqi Kurdish leader, visited
Turkey about a year ago, I guess, and made
some pretty striking comments. He was quite
critical of the leadership of the Turkish
Kurds and was plainly trying to establish
better relations with Turkey, which has been
violently repressing the Turkish Kurds.
Most of the Kurds in the
world are in Turkey. You can understand why,
from his point of view. That’s the one
outlet to the outside world. But Turkey has
a mixed attitude about this. An independent
Kurdistan in, say, northern Iraq, which is
right next to the Kurdish areas of Turkey,
or in the Syrian Kurdish areas, which are
right by them, potentially, from the Turkish
point of view, might encourage separatists
or even efforts for autonomy in the
southeastern part of Turkey, which is
heavily Kurdish. They’ve been fighting
against that ever since modern Turkey arose
in the 1920, very brutally, in fact. So they
have a mixed kind of attitude on this.
Kurdistan has succeeded
somehow in getting tankers to take Kurdish
oil. Those tankers are wandering around the
Mediterranean. No country will accept it,
except probably Israel. We can’t be certain,
but it looks as though they’re taking some
of it. The Kurdish tankers are seeking some
way to unload their oil in mostly the
eastern Mediterranean. It’s not happening at
a level which permits Kurdistan to function,
even to pay its officials.
On the other hand, if you
go to the Kurdish so-called capital, Erbil,
apparently there are high rises going up,
plenty of wealth. But it’s a very fragile
kind of system. It cannot survive. It’s
completely surrounded by mostly hostile
regions. Turkey is sort of unclear because
of the reasons that I mentioned. So, yes,
they do have that in mind. That’s why they
took Kirkuk as soon as they could.
There are a
couple of questions I want to close with,
actually from our latest book,
Power Systems. I ask you, “You’ve
got grandchildren. What kind of world do you
see them inheriting?”
The world that we’re
creating for our grandchildren is grim. The
major concern ought to be the one that was
brought up in New York at the September 21
march. A couple hundred thousand people
marched in New York calling for some serious
action on global warming.
This is no joke. This is
the first time in the history of the human
species that we have to make decisions which
will determine whether there will be decent
survival for our grandchildren. That’s never
happened before. Already we have made
decisions which are wiping out species
around the world at a phenomenal level.
The level of species
destruction in the world today is about at
the level of sixty-five million years ago,
when a huge asteroid hit the earth and had
horrifying ecological effects. It ended the
age of the dinosaurs; they were wiped out.
It kind of left a little opening for small
mammals, who began to develop, and
ultimately us. The same thing is happening
now, except that we’re the asteroid. What
we’re doing to the environment is already
creating conditions like those of sixty-five
million years ago. Human civilization is
tottering at the edge of this. The picture
doesn’t look pretty.
So September 21, the day
of the march, which was a very positive
development, an indication that you can do
things, it’s not a foregone conclusion that
we’re going to wipe everything out, that
same day one of the major international
monitoring scientific agencies presented the
data on greenhouse emissions for the latest
year on record, 2013. They reached record
levels: they went up over 2 percent beyond
the preceding year. For the US they went up
even higher, almost 3 percent.
The Journal of the
American Medical Association came out
with a study the same day looking at the
number of super hot days that are predicted
for New York over the next couple of
decades, super hot meaning over ninety. They
predicted it will triple for New York, and
much worse effects farther south. This is
all going along with predicted sea-level
rise, which is going to put a lot of Boston
under water. Let alone the Bangladesh
coastal plan, where hundreds of millions of
people live, will be wiped out.
All of this is imminent.
And at this very moment the logic of our
institutions is driving it forward. So Exxon
Mobil, which is the biggest energy producer,
has announced — and you can’t really
criticize them for it; this is the nature of
the state capitalist system, its logic —
that they are going to direct all of their
efforts to lifting fossil fuels, because
that’s profitable. In effect, that’s exactly
what they should be doing, given the
institutional framework. They’re supposed to
make profits. And if that wipes out the
possibility of a decent life for the
grandchildren, it’s not their problem.
Chevron, another big
energy corporation, had a small sustainable
program, mostly for PR reasons, but it was
doing reasonably well, it was actually
profitable. They just closed it down because
fossil fuels are so much more profitable.
In the US by now there’s
drilling all over the place. But there’s one
place where it has been somewhat limited,
federal lands. Energy lobbies are
complaining bitterly that Obama has cut back
access to federal lands. The Department of
Interior just came out with the statistics.
It’s the opposite. The oil drilling on
federal lands has steadily increased under
Obama. What has decreased is offshore
drilling.
But that’s a reaction to
the BP disaster in the Gulf of Mexico. Right
after that disaster, the immediate reaction
was to back off. Even the energy companies
backed off from deep-sea drilling. The
lobbies are just pulling these things
together. If you look at the onshore
drilling, it’s just going up. There are very
few brakes on this. These tendencies are
pretty dangerous, and you can predict what
kind of world there will be for your
grandchildren.