Millions of people
demonstrated in condemnation of the
atrocities, amplified by a chorus of horror
under the banner "I am Charlie." There were
eloquent pronouncements of outrage, captured
well by the head of Israel's Labor Party and
the main challenger for the upcoming
elections, Isaac Herzog, who declared that
"Terrorism is terrorism. There's no two ways
about it," and that "All the nations that
seek peace and freedom [face] an enormous
challenge" from brutal violence.
The crimes also elicited a
flood of commentary, inquiring into the
roots of these shocking assaults in Islamic
culture and exploring ways to counter the
murderous wave of Islamic terrorism without
sacrificing our values. The New York Times
described the assault as a "clash of
civilizations," but was corrected by Times
columnist Anand Giridharadas,
who tweeted that it was "Not & never a
war of civilizations or between them. But a
war FOR civilization against groups on the
other side of that line. #CharlieHebdo."
The scene in Paris
was described vividly in the New York Times
by veteran Europe correspondent Steven
Erlanger: "a day of sirens, helicopters in
the air, frantic news bulletins; of police
cordons and anxious crowds; of young
children led away from schools to safety. It
was a day, like the previous two, of blood
and horror in and around Paris."
Erlanger also quoted a
surviving journalist who said that
"Everything crashed. There was no way out.
There was smoke everywhere. It was terrible.
People were screaming. It was like a
nightmare." Another reported a "huge
detonation, and everything went completely
dark." The scene, Erlanger reported, "was an
increasingly familiar one of smashed glass,
broken walls, twisted timbers, scorched
paint and emotional devastation."
These last quotes, however --
as independent journalist David Peterson
reminds us -- are not from January 2015.
Rather, they are from
a report by Erlanger on April 24 1999,
which received far less attention. Erlanger
was reporting on the NATO "missile attack on
Serbian state television headquarters" that
"knocked Radio Television Serbia off the
air," killing 16 journalists.
"NATO and American officials
defended the attack,"
Erlanger reported, "as an effort to
undermine the regime of President Slobodan
Milosevic of Yugoslavia." Pentagon spokesman
Kenneth Bacon told a briefing in Washington
that "Serb TV is as much a part of
Milosevic's murder machine as his military
is," hence a legitimate target of attack.
There were no demonstrations
or cries of outrage, no chants of "We are
RTV," no inquiries into the roots of the
attack in Christian culture and history. On
the contrary, the attack on the press was
lauded. The highly regarded U.S. diplomat
Richard Holbrooke, then envoy to Yugoslavia,
described the successful attack on RTV as
"an enormously important and, I think,
positive development," a sentiment echoed by
others.
There are many other events
that call for no inquiry into western
culture and history -- for example, the
worst single terrorist atrocity in Europe in
recent years, in July 2011, when Anders
Breivik, a Christian ultra-Zionist extremist
and Islamophobe, slaughtered 77 people,
mostly teenagers.
Also ignored in the "war
against terrorism" is the most extreme
terrorist campaign of modern times -- Barack
Obama's global assassination campaign
targeting people suspected of perhaps
intending to harm us some day, and any
unfortunates who happen to be nearby. Other
unfortunates are also not lacking, such as
the
50 civilians reportedly killed in a U.S.-led
bombing raid in Syria in December, which
was barely reported.
One person was indeed
punished in connection with the NATO attack
on RTV -- Dragoljub Milanović, the general
manager of the station, who was sentenced by
the European Court of Human Rights to 10
years in prison for failing to evacuate the
building,
according to the Committee to Protect
Journalists. The
International Criminal Tribunal for
Yugoslavia considered the NATO attack,
concluding that it was not a crime, and
although civilian casualties were
"unfortunately high, they do not appear to
be clearly disproportionate."
The comparison between these
cases helps us understand the condemnation
of the New York Times by civil rights lawyer
Floyd Abrams, famous for his forceful
defense of freedom of expression. "There are
times for self-restraint,"
Abrams wrote, "but in the immediate wake
of the most threatening assault on
journalism in living memory, [the Times
editors] would have served the cause of free
expression best by engaging in it" by
publishing the Charlie Hebdo cartoons
ridiculing Mohammed that elicited the
assault.
Abrams is right in describing
the Charlie Hebdo attack as "the most
threatening assault on journalism in living
memory." The reason has to do with the
concept "living memory," a category
carefully constructed to include Their
crimes against us while scrupulously
excluding Our crimes against them
-- the latter not crimes but noble defense
of the highest values, sometimes
inadvertently flawed.
This is not the place to
inquire into just what was being "defended"
when RTV was attacked, but such an inquiry
is quite informative (see my A New
Generation Draws the Line).
There are many other
illustrations of the interesting category
"living memory." One is provided by the
Marine assault against Fallujah in
November 2004, one of the worst crimes of
the U.S.-UK invasion of Iraq.
The assault opened with
occupation of Fallujah General Hospital,
a major war crime quite apart from how it
was carried out. The crime was reported
prominently on the front page of the New
York Times, accompanied with a photograph
depicting how "Patients and hospital
employees were rushed out of rooms by armed
soldiers and ordered to sit or lie on the
floor while troops tied their hands behind
their backs." The occupation of the hospital
was considered meritorious and justified: it
"shut down what officers said was a
propaganda weapon for the militants:
Fallujah General Hospital, with its stream
of reports of civilian casualties."
Evidently, this is no assault
on free expression, and does not qualify for
entry into "living memory."
There are other questions.
One would naturally ask how France upholds
freedom of expression and the sacred
principles of "fraternity, freedom,
solidarity." For example, is it through the
Gayssot Law, repeatedly implemented, which
effectively grants the state the right to
determine Historical Truth and punish
deviation from its edicts? By expelling
miserable descendants of Holocaust survivors
(Roma) to bitter persecution in Eastern
Europe? By the deplorable treatment of North
African immigrants in the banlieues of Paris
where the Charlie Hebdo terrorists became
jihadis? When the courageous journal Charlie
Hebdo fired the cartoonist Siné on grounds
that a comment of his was deemed to have
anti-Semitic connotations? Many more
questions quickly arise.
Anyone with eyes open will
quickly notice other rather striking
omissions. Thus, prominent among those who
face an "enormous challenge" from brutal
violence are Palestinians, once again during
Israel's vicious
assault on Gaza in the summer of 2014,
in which many journalists were murdered,
sometimes in well-marked press cars, along
with thousands of others, while the
Israeli-run outdoor prison was again reduced
to rubble on pretexts that collapse
instantly on examination.
Also ignored was the
assassination of three more journalists in
Latin America in December, bringing the
number for the year to 31. There have been
more than a dozen journalists killed in
Honduras alone since the military coup
of 2009 that was effectively recognized by
the U.S. (but few others), probably
according post-coup Honduras the per capita
championship for murder of journalists. But
again, not an assault on freedom of press
within living memory.
It is not difficult to
elaborate. These few examples illustrate a
very general principle that is observed with
impressive dedication and consistency: The
more we can blame some crimes on enemies,
the greater the outrage; the greater our
responsibility for crimes -- and hence the
more we can do to end them -- the less the
concern, tending to oblivion or even denial.
Contrary to the eloquent
pronouncements, it is not the case that
"Terrorism is terrorism. There's no two ways
about it." There definitely are two ways
about it: theirs versus ours. And not just
terrorism.
Noam Chomsky is Institute
Professor Emeritus in the Department of
Linguistics and Philosophy at Massachusetts
Institute of Technology. His most recent
book is
"Masters of Mankind." His web site is
www.chomsky.info.
This article was
originally published at
CNN
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