Peculiarities of Russian
National Character
By Dmitry Orlov
January 13, 2015 "ICH"
- Recent events, such as the overthrow of
the government in Ukraine, the secession of
Crimea and its decision to join the Russian
Federation, the subsequent military campaign
against civilians in Eastern Ukraine,
western sanctions against Russia, and, most
recently, the attack on the ruble, have
caused a certain phase transition to occur
within Russian society, which, I believe, is
very poorly, if at all, understood in the
west. This lack of understanding puts Europe
at a significant disadvantage in being able
to negotiate an end to this crisis.
Whereas prior to these events the Russians
were rather content to consider themselves
“just another European country,” they have
now remembered that they are a distinct
civilization, with different civilizational
roots (Byzantium rather than Rome)—one that
has been subject to concerted western
efforts to destroy it once or twice a
century, be it by Sweden, Poland, France,
Germany, or some combination of the above.
This has conditioned the Russian character
in a specific set of ways which, if not
adequately understood, is likely to lead to
disaster for Europe and the world.
Lest you think that Byzantium is some minor
cultural influence on Russia, it is, in
fact, rather key. Byzantine cultural
influences, which came along with Orthodox
Christianity, first through Crimea (the
birthplace of Christianity in Russia), then
through the Russian capital Kiev (the same
Kiev that is now the capital of Ukraine),
allowed Russia to leapfrog across a
millennium or so of cultural development.
Such influences include the opaque and
ponderously bureaucratic nature of Russian
governance, which the westerners, who love
transparency (if only in others) find so
unnerving, along with many other things.
Russians sometimes like to call Moscow the
Third Rome—third after Rome itself and
Constantinople—and this is not an entirely
empty claim. But this is not to say that
Russian civilization is derivative; yes, it
has managed to absorb the entire classical
heritage, viewed through a distinctly
eastern lens, but its vast northern
environment has transformed that heritage
into something radically different.
Since this subject is of overwhelming
complexity, I will focus on just four
factors, which I find essential for
understanding the transformation we are
currently witnessing.
1. Taking offense
Western nations have emerged in an
environment of limited resources and
relentless population pressure, and this has
to a large degree determined the way in
which they respond when they are offended.
For quite a long time, while centralized
authority was weak, conflicts were settled
through bloody conflict, and even a minor
affront could cause former friends to become
instant adversaries and draw their swords.
This is because it was an environment in
which standing your ground was key to
survival.
In contrast, Russia emerged as a nation in
an environment of almost infinite, although
mostly quite diffuse, resources. It also
drew from the bounty of the trade route that
led from the Vikings to the Greeks, which
was so active that Arab geographers believed
that there was a salt-water strait linking
the Black Sea with the Baltic, whereas the
route consisted of rivers with a
considerable amount of portage. In this
environment, it was important to avoid
conflict, and people who would draw their
swords at a single misspoken word were
unlikely to do well in it.
Thus, a very different conflict resolution
strategy has emerged, which survives to this
day. If you insult, aggrieve or otherwise
harm a Russian, you are unlikely to get a
fight (unless it happens to be a
demonstrative beating held in a public
setting, or a calculated settling of scores
through violence). Instead, more likely than
not, the Russian will simply tell you to go
to hell, and then refuse to have anything
further to do with you. If physical
proximity makes this difficult, the Russian
will consider relocating, moving in any
direction that happens to be away from you.
So common is this speech act in practice
that it has been abbreviated to a
monosyllabic utterance: “Пшёл!” (“Pshol!”)
and can be referred to simply as “послать”
(literally, “to send”). In an environment
where there is an almost infinite amount of
free land to settle, such a strategy makes
perfect sense. Russians live like settled
people, but when they have to move, they
move like nomads, whose main method of
conflict resolution is voluntary relocation.
This response to grievance as something
permanent is a major facet of the Russian
culture, and westerners who do not
understand it are unlikely to achieve an
outcome they would like, or even understand.
To a westerner, an insult can be resolved by
saying something like “I am sorry!” To a
Russian that's pretty much just noise,
especially if it is being emitted by
somebody who has already been told to go to
hell. A verbal apology that is not backed up
by something tangible is one of these rules
of politeness, which to the Russians are
something of a luxury. Until a couple of
decades ago, the standard Russian apology
was “извиняюсь” (“izviniáius'”), which can
be translated literally as “I excuse
myself.” Russia is now a much more polite
country, but the basic cultural pattern
remains in place.
Although purely verbal apologies are
worthless, restitution is not. Setting
things right may involve parting with a
prized possession, or making a significant
new pledge, or announcing an important
change of direction. The point is, these all
involve taking pivotal actions, not just
words, because beyond a certain point words
can only make the situation worse, taking it
from the “Go to hell” stage to the even less
copacetic “Let me show you the way” stage.
2. Dealing with invaders
Russia has a long history of being invaded
from every direction, but especially from
the west, and Russian culture has evolved a
certain mindset which is difficult for
outsiders to comprehend. First of all, it is
important to realize that when Russians
fight off an invasion (and having the CIA
and the US State Department run Ukraine with
the help of Ukrainian Nazis qualifies as an
invasion) they are not fighting for
territory, at least not directly. Rather,
they are fighting for Russia as a concept.
And the concept states that Russia has been
invaded numerous times, but never
successfully. In the Russian mindset,
invading Russia successfully involves
killing just about every Russian, and, as
they are fond of saying, “They can't kill us
all.” (“Нас всех не убьёшь.”) Population can
be restored over time (it was down 22
million at the end of World War II) but the
concept, once lost, would be lost forever.
It may sound nonsensical to a westerner to
hear Russians call their country “a country
of princes, poets and saints,” but that's
what it is—it is a state of mind. Russia
doesn't have a history—it is its
history.
Because the Russians fight for the concept
of Russia rather than for any given chunk of
Russian territory, they are always rather
willing to retreat—at first. When Napoleon
invaded Russia, fully planning to plunder
his way across the countryside, he found the
entire countryside torched by the retreating
Russians. When he finally occupied Moscow,
it too went up in flames. Napoleon camped
out for a bit, but eventually, realizing
that there was nothing more to be done
(attack Siberia?) and that his army would
starve and die of exposure if they remained,
he beat a hasty and shameful retreat,
eventually abandoning his men to their fate.
As they retreated, another facet of Russian
cultural heritage came to the fore: every
peasant from every village that got torched
as the Russians retreated was in the
forefront as the Russians advanced, itching
for a chance to take a pot shot at a French
soldier.
Similarly, the German invasion during World
War II was at first able to make rapid
advances, taking a lot of territory, while
the Russians equally swiftly retreated and
evacuated their populations, relocating
entire factories and other institutions to
Siberia and resettling families in the
interior of the country. Then the German
advance stopped, reversed, and eventually
turned into a rout. The standard pattern
repeated itself, with the Russian army
breaking the invader's will while most of
the locals that found themselves under
occupation withheld cooperation, organized
as partisans and inflicted maximum possible
damage on the retreating invader.
Another Russian adaptation
for dealing with invaders is to rely on the
Russian climate to do the job. A standard
way of ridding a Russian village house of
vermin is simply to not heat it; a few days
at 40 below or better and the cockroaches,
bedbugs, lice, nits, weevils, mice, rats are
all dead. It works with invaders too. Russia
is the world's most northern country. Canada
is far north, but most of its population is
spread along its southern border, and it has
no major cities above the Arctic Circle,
while Russia has two. Life in Russia in some
ways resembles life in outer space or on the
open ocean: impossible without life support.
The Russian winter is simply not survivable
without cooperation from the locals, and so
all they have to do to wipe out an invader
is withhold cooperation. And if you think
that an invader can secure cooperation by
shooting a few locals to scare the rest, see
above under “Taking offense.”
3. Dealing with foreign powers
Russia owns almost the entire northern
portion of the Eurasian continent, which
comprises something like 1/6 of the Earth's
dry surface. That, by Earth standards, is a
lot of territory. This is not an aberration
or an accident of history: throughout their
history, the Russians were absolutely driven
to provide for their collective security by
gaining as much territory as possible. If
you are wondering what motivated them to
undertake such a quest, see “Dealing with
invaders” above.
If you think that foreign powers repeatedly
attempted to invade and conquer Russia in
order to gain access to its vast natural
resources, then you are wrong: the access
was always there for the asking. The
Russians are not exactly known for refusing
to sell their natural resources—even to
their potential enemies. No, what Russia's
enemies wanted was to be able to tap into
Russia's resources free of charge. To
them, Russia's existence was an
inconvenience, which they attempted to
eliminate through violence.
What they achieved instead was a higher
price for themselves, once their invasion
attempt failed. The calculus is simple: the
foreigners want Russia's resources; to
defend them, Russia needs a strong,
centralized state with a big, powerful
military; ergo, the foreigners should be
made to pay, to support Russia's state and
military. Consequently, most of the Russian
state's financial needs are addressed
through export tariffs, on oil and natural
gas especially, rather than by taxing the
Russian population. After all, the Russian
population is taxed heavily enough by having
to fight off periodic invasions; why tax
them more? Thus, the Russian state is a
customs state: it uses customs duties
and tariffs to extract funds from the
enemies who would destroy it and use these
funds to defend itself. Since there is no
replacement for Russia's natural resources,
the more hostile the outside world acts
toward Russia, the more it will end up
paying for Russia's national defense.
Note that this policy is directed at foreign
powers, not at foreign-born people. Over the
centuries, Russia has absorbed numerous
immigrants: from Germany during the 30
years' war; from France after the French
revolution. More recent influxes have been
from Vietnam, Korea, China and Central Asia.
Last year Russia absorbed more immigrants
than any other country except for the United
States, which is dealing with an influx from
countries on its southern border, whose
populations its policies have done much to
impoverish. Moreover, the Russians are
absorbing this major influx, which includes
close to a million from war-torn Ukraine,
without much complaint. Russia is a nation
of immigrants to a greater extent than most
others, and is more of a melting pot than
the United States.
4. Thanks, but we have our own
One more interesting Russian cultural trait
is that Russians have always felt compelled
to excel in all categories, from ballet and
figure-skating to hockey and football to
space flight and microchip manufacturing.
You may think of champagne as a trademark
French product, but last I checked
“Советское шампанское” (“Soviet champagne”)
was still selling briskly around New Year's
Eve, and not only in Russia but in Russian
shops in the US because, you see, the French
stuff may be nice, but it just doesn't taste
sufficiently Russian. For just about every
thing you can imagine there is a Russian
version of it, which the Russians often feel
is better, and sometimes can claim they
invented in the first place (the radio, for
instance, was invented by Popov, not by
Marconi). There are exceptions (tropical
fruit is one example) and they are allowed
provided they come from a “brotherly nation”
such as Cuba. That was the pattern during
the Soviet times, and it appears to be
coming back to some extent now.
During the late Brezhnev/Andropov/Gorbachev
“stagnation” period Russian innovation
indeed stagnated, along with everything
else, and Russia lost ground against the
west technologically (but not culturally).
After the Soviet collapse Russians became
eager for western imports, and this was
quite normal considering that Russia wasn't
producing much of anything at the time.
Then, during the 1990s, there came the era
of western compradors, who dumped imported
products on Russia with the long-term goal
of completely wiping out domestic industry
and making Russia into a pure raw materials
supplier, at which point it would be
defenseless against an embargo and easily
forced to surrender its sovereignty. This
would be an invasion by non-military means,
against which Russia would find itself
defenseless.
This process ran quite far before it hit a
couple of major snags. First, Russian
manufacturing and non-hydrocarbon exports
rebounded, doubling several times in the
course of a decade. The surge included grain
exports, weapons, and high-tech. Second,
Russia found lots of better, cheaper,
friendlier trading partners around the
world. Still, Russia's trade with the west,
and with the EU specifically, is by no means
insignificant. Third, the Russian defense
industry has been able to maintain its
standards, and its independence from
imports. (This can hardly be said about the
defense firms in the west, which depend on
Russian titanium exports.)
And now there has come the perfect storm for
the compradors: the ruble has partially
devalued in response to lower oil prices,
pricing out imports and helping domestic
producers; sanctions have undermined
Russia's confidence in the reliability of
the west as suppliers; and the conflict over
Crimea has boosted the Russians' confidence
in their own abilities. The Russian
government is seizing this opportunity to
champion companies that can quickly effect
import replacement for imports from the
west. Russia's central bank has been charged
with financing them at interest rates that
make import replacement even more
attractive.
Some people have been drawing comparisons
between the period we are in now and the
last time oil prices dropped—all the way to
$10/barrel—in some measure precipitating the
Soviet collapse. But this analogy is false.
At the time, the Soviet Union was
economically stagnant and dependent on
western credit to secure grain imports,
without which it wouldn't have been able to
raise enough livestock to feed its
population. It was led by the feckless and
malleable Gorbachev—an appeaser, a
capitulator, and a world-class windbag whose
wife loved to go shopping in London. The
Russian people despised him and referred to
him as “Mishka the Marked,” thanks to his
birthmark. And now Russia is resurgent, is
one of the world's largest grain exporters,
and is being led by the defiant and
implacable President Putin who enjoys an
approval rating of over 80%. In comparing
pre-collapse USSR to Russia today,
commentators and analysts showcase their
ignorance.
Conclusions
This part almost writes itself. It's a
recipe for disaster, so I'll write it out as
a recipe.
1. Take a nation of people who respond to
offense by damning you to hell, and refusing
to having anything more to do with you,
rather than fighting. Make sure that this is
a nation whose natural resources are
essential for keeping your lights on and
your houses heated, for making your
passenger airliners and your jet fighters,
and for a great many other things. Keep in
mind, a quarter of the light bulbs in the US
light up thanks to Russian nuclear fuel,
whereas a cut-off of Russian gas to Europe
would be a cataclysm of the first order.
2. Make them feel that they are being
invaded by installing a government that is
hostile to them in a territory that they
consider part of their historical homeland.
The only truly non-Russian part of the
Ukraine is Galicia, which parted company
many centuries ago and which, most Russians
will tell you, “You can take to hell with
you.” If you like your neo-Nazis, you can
keep your neo-Nazis. Also keep in mind how
the Russians deal with invaders: they freeze
them out.
3. Impose economic and financial sanctions
on Russia. Watch in dismay as your exporters
start losing money when in instant
retaliation Russia blocks your agricultural
exports. Keep in mind that this is a country
that, thanks to surviving a long string of
invasion attempts, traditionally relies on
potentially hostile foreign states to
finance its defense against them. If they
fail to do so, then it will resort to other
ways of deterring them, such as freezing
them out. “No gas for NATO members” seems
like a catchy slogan. Hope and pray that it
doesn't catch on in Moscow.
4. Mount an attack on their national
currency, causing it to lose part of its
value on par with a lower price of oil.
Watch in dismay as Russian officials laugh
all the way to the central bank because the
lower ruble has caused state revenues to
remain unchanged in spite of lower oil
prices, erasing a potential budget deficit.
Watch in dismay as your exporters go
bankrupt because their exports are priced
out of the Russian market. Keep in mind,
Russia has no national debt to speak of,
runs a negligible budget deficit, has
plentiful foreign currency reserves and
ample gold reserves. Also keep in mind that
your banks have loaned hundreds of billions
of dollars to Russian businesses (which you
have just deprived of access to your banking
system by imposing sanctions). Hope and pray
that Russia doesn't put a freeze on debt
repayments to western banks until the
sanctions are lifted, since that would blow
up your banks.
5. Watch in dismay as Russia signs major
natural gas export deals with everyone
except you. Is there going to be enough gas
left for you when they are done? Well, it
appears that this no longer a concern for
the Russians, because you have offended
them, and, being who they are, they told you
to go to hell (don't forget to take Galicia
with you) and will now deal with other,
friendlier countries.
6. Continue to watch in dismay as Russia
actively looks for ways to sever most of the
trade links with you, finding suppliers in
other parts of the world or organizing
production for import replacement.
But now comes a surprise—an underreported
one, to say the least. Russia has just
offered the EU a deal. If the EU refuses to
join the Transatlantic Trade and Investment
Partnership with the US (which, by the way,
would hurt it economically) then it can join
the Customs Union with Russia. Why freeze
yourselves out when we can all freeze out
Washington instead? This is the restitution
Russia would accept for the EU's offensive
behavior with regard to the Ukraine and the
sanctions. Coming from a customs state, it
is a most generous offer. A lot went into
making it: the recognition that the EU poses
no military threat to Russia and not much of
an economic one either; the fact that the
European countries are all very cute and
tiny and lovable, and make tasty cheeses and
sausages; the understanding that their
current crop of national politicians is
feckless and beholden to Washington, and
that they need a big push in order to
understand where their nations' true
interests lie... Will the EU accept this
offer, or will they accept Galicia as a new
member and “freeze out”?
Dmitry
Orlov is a Russian-American engineer and a
writer on subjects related to "potential
economic, ecological and political decline
and collapse in the United States,"
something he has called “permanent crisis”.
http://cluborlov.blogspot.com