Bankers Fear World Economic Meltdown
By GABRIEL KOLKO
07/26/07 "Counterpunch"
-- -- There
has been a profound and fundamental change in the world economy
over the past decade. The very triumph of financial
liberalization and deregulation, one of the keystones of the
“Washington consensus” that the U.S. government, International
Monetary Fund (IMF), and World Bank have persistently and
successfully attempted over the past decades to implement, have
also produced a deepening crisis that its advocates scarcely
expected.
The global financial structure
is today far less transparent than ever. There are many fewer
reporting demands imposed on those who operate in it. Financial
adventurers are constantly creating new “products” that defy
both nation-states and international banks. The IMF’s managing
director, Rodrigo de Rato, at the end of May 2006 deplored these
new risks – risks that the weakness of the U.S. dollar and its
mounting trade deficits have magnified greatly.
De Rato’s fears reflect the fact
that the IMF has been undergoing both structural and
intellectual crises. Structurally, its outstanding credit and
loans have declined dramatically since 2003, from over $70
billion to a little over $20 billion today, doubling its
available resources and leaving it with far less leverage over
the economic policies of developing nations – and even a smaller
income than its expensive operations require. It is now in
deficit. A large part of its problems is due to the doubling in
world prices for all commodities since 2003 – especially
petroleum, copper, silver, zinc, nickel, and the like – that the
developing nations traditionally export. While there will be
fluctuations in this upsurge, there is also reason to think it
may endure because rapid economic growth in China, India, and
elsewhere has created a burgeoning demand that did not exist
before – when the balance-of-trade systematically favored the
rich nations. The U.S.A. has seen its net foreign asset position
fall as Japan, emerging Asia, and oil-exporting nations have
become far more powerful over the past decade, and they have
increasingly become creditors to the U.S.A. As the U.S. deficits
mount with its imports being far greater than its exports, the
value of the dollar has been declining – 28 per cent against the
euro from 2001 to 2005 alone. Even more, the IMF and World Bank
were severely chastened by the 1997-2000 financial meltdowns in
East Asia, Russia, and elsewhere, and many of its key leaders
lost faith in the anarchic premises, descended from classical
laissez-faire economic thought, which guided its policy advice
until then. “…{O]ur knowledge of economic growth is extremely
incomplete,” many in the IMF now admit, and “more humility” on
its part is now warranted. The IMF claims that much has been
done to prevent the reoccurrence of another crisis similar to
that of 1997-98, but the international economy has changed
dramatically since then and, as Stephen Roach of MorganStanley
has warned, the world “has done little to prepare itself for
what could well be the next crisis.”
The whole nature of the global
financial system has changed radically in ways that have nothing
whatsoever to do with “virtuous” national economic policies that
follow IMF advice – ways the IMF cannot control. The investment
managers of private equity funds and major banks have displaced
national banks and international bodies such as the IMF, moving
well beyond the existing regulatory structures. In many
investment banks, the traders have taken over from traditional
bankers because buying and selling shares, bonds, derivatives
and the like now generate the greater profits, and taking more
and higher risks is now the rule among what was once a fairly
conservative branch of finance. They often bet with house money.
Low-interest rates have given them and other players throughout
the world a mandate to do new things, including a spate of
dubious mergers that were once deemed foolhardy. There also
fewer legal clauses to protect investors, so that lenders are
less likely than ever to compel mismanaged firms to default.
Aware that their bets are increasingly risky, hedge funds are
making it much more difficult to withdraw money they play with.
Traders have “re-intermediated” themselves between the
traditional borrowers – both national and individual – and
markets, deregulating the world financial structure and making
it far more unpredictable and susceptible of crises. They seek
to generate high investment returns – which is the key to their
compensation – and they take mounting risks to do so.
In March of this year the IMF
released Garry J. Schinasi’s book, Safeguarding Financial
Stability, giving it unusual prominence then and
thereafter. Schinasi’s book is essentially alarmist, and it both
reveals and documents in great and disturbing detail the IMF’s
deep anxieties. Essentially, “deregulation and liberalization,”
which the IMF and proponents of the “Washington consensus”
advocated for decades, has become a nightmare. It has created
“tremendous private and social benefits” but it also holds “the
potential (although not necessarily a high likelihood) for
fragility, instability, systemic risk, and adverse economic
consequences.” Schinasi’s superbly documented book confirms his
conclusion that the irrational development of global finance,
combined with deregulation and liberalization, has “created
scope for financial innovation and enhanced the mobility of
risks.” Schinasi and the IMF advocate a radical new framework to
monitor and prevent the problems now able to emerge, but success
“may have as much to do with good luck” as policy design and
market surveillance. Leaving the future to luck is not what
economics originally promised. The IMF is desperate, and it is
not alone. As the Argentina financial meltdown proved, countries
that do not succumb to IMF and banker pressures can play on
divisions within the IMF membership -– particularly the U.S. –-
bankers and others to avoid many, although scarcely all, foreign
demands. About $140 billion in sovereign bonds to private
creditors and the IMF were at stake, terminating at the end of
2001 as the largest national default in history. Banks in the
1990s were eager to loan Argentina money, and they ultimately
paid for it. Since then, however, commodity prices have soared,
the growth rate of developing nations in 2004 and 2005 was over
double that of high income nations –- a pattern projected to
continue through 2008 –- and as early as 2003 developing
countries were already the source of 37 per cent of the foreign
direct investment in other developing nations. China accounts
for a great part of this growth, but it also means that the IMF
and rich bankers of New York, Tokyo, and London have much less
leverage than ever.
At the same time, the far
greater demand of hedge funds and other investors for risky
loans, combined with low-interest rates that allows hedge funds
to use borrowed money to make increasingly precarious bets, has
also led to much higher debt levels as borrowers embark on
mergers and other adventures that would otherwise be impossible.
Growing complexity is the order
of the world economy that has emerged in the past decade, and
the endless negotiations of the World Trade Organization have
failed to overcome the subsidies and protectionism that have
thwarted a global free trade agreement and end of threats of
trade wars. Combined, the potential for much greater instability
– and greater dangers for the rich – now exists in the entire
world economy.
High-speed Global Economics
The global financial problem
that is emerging is tied into an American fiscal and trade
deficit that is rising quickly. Since Bush entered office in
2001 he has added over $3 trillion to federal borrowing limits,
which are now almost $9 trillion. So long as there is a
continued devaluation of the U.S. dollar, banks and financiers
will seek to protect their money and risky financial adventures
will appear increasingly worthwhile. This is the context, but
Washington advocated greater financial liberalization long
before the dollar weakened. This conjunction of factors has
created infinitely greater risks than the proponents of the
“Washington consensus” ever believed possible.
There are now many hedge funds,
with which we are familiar, but they now deal in credit
derivatives – and numerous other financial instruments that have
been invented since then, and markets for credit derivative
futures are in the offing. The credit derivative market was
almost nonexistent in 2001, grew fairly slowly until 2004 and
then went into the stratosphere, reaching $17.3 trillion by the
end of 2005.
What are credit derivatives?
The Financial Times’ chief capital markets writer, Gillian
Tett, tried to find out – but failed. About ten years ago some
J.P. Morgan bankers were in Boca Raton, Florida, drinking,
throwing each other into the swimming pool, and the like, and
they came up with a notion of a new financial instrument that
was too complex to be easily copied (financial ideas cannot be
copyrighted) and which was sure to make them money. But Tett was
highly critical of its potential for causing a chain reaction of
losses that will engulf the hedge funds that have leaped into
this market. Warren Buffett, second richest man in the world,
who knows the financial game as well as anyone, has called
credit derivatives “financial weapons of mass destruction.”
Nominally insurance against defaults, they encourage far greater
gambles and credit expansion. Enron used them extensively, and
it was one secret of their success – and eventual bankruptcy
with $100 billion in losses. They are not monitored in any real
sense, and two experts called them “maddeningly opaque.” Many of
these innovative financial products, according to one finance
director, “exist in cyberspace” only and often are simply tax
dodges for the ultra-rich. It is for reasons such as these, and
yet others such as split capital trusts, collateralized debt
obligations, and market credit default swaps that are even more
opaque, that the IMF and financial authorities are so worried.
Banks simply do not understand
the chain of exposure and who owns what –- senior financial
regulators and bankers now admit this. The Long-Term Capital
Management hedge fund meltdown in 1998, which involved only
about $5 billion in equity, revealed this. The financial
structure is now infinitely more complex and far larger – the
top 10 hedge funds alone in March 2006 had $157 billion in
assets. Hedge funds claim to be honest but those who guide them
are compensated for the profits they make, which means taking
risks. But there are thousands of hedge funds and many collect
inside information, which is technically illegal but it occurs
anyway. The system is fraught with dangers, starting with the
compensation structure, but it also assumes a constantly rising
stock market and much, much else. Many fund managers are
incompetent. But the 26 leading hedge fund managers earned an
average of $363 million each in 2005; James Simons of
Renaissance Technologies earned $1.5 billion.
There is now a consensus that
all this, and much else, has created growing dangers. We can put
aside the persistence of imbalanced budgets based on spending
increases or tax cuts for the wealthy, much less the world’s
volatile stock and commodity markets which caused hedge funds
this last May to show far lower returns than they have in at
least a year. It is anyone’s guess which way the markets will
go, and some will gain while others lose. Hedge funds still make
lots of profits, and by the spring of 2006 they were worth about
$1.2 trillion worldwide, but they are increasingly dangerous.
More than half of them give preferential treatment to certain
big investors, and the U.S. Security and Exchange Commission has
since mid-June 2006 openly deplored the practice because the
panic, if not chaos, potential in such favoritism is now too
obvious to ignore. The practice is “a ticking time bomb,” one
industry lawyer described it. These credit risks – risks that
exist in other forms as well – seemed ready to materialize when
the Financial Times’ Tett reported at the end of June
that an unnamed investment bank was trying to unload “several
billion dollars” in loans it had made to hedge funds. If true,
“this marks a startling watershed for the financial system.”
Bankers had become “ultracreative… in their efforts to slice,
dice and redistribute risk, at this time of easy liquidity.”
Low-interest rates, Avinash Persaud, one of the gurus of finance
concluded, had led investors to use borrowed money to play the
markets, and “a painful deleveraging is as inevitable as night
follows day…. The only question is its timing.” There was no
way that hedge funds, which had become precociously intricate in
seeking safety, could avoid a reckoning and “forced to sell
their most liquid investments.” “I will not bet on that happy
outcome,” the Financial Times’ chief expert concluded
in surveying some belated attempts to redeem the hedge funds
from their own follies.
A great deal of money went from
investors in rich nations into emerging market stocks, which
have been especially hard-hit in the past weeks, and if they
(leave then the financial shock will be great -- the dangers of
a meltdown exist there too.
Problems are structural, such as
the greatly increasing corporate debt loads to core earnings,
which have grown substantially from four to six times over the
past year because there are fewer legal clauses to protect
investors from loss –- and keep companies from going bankrupt
when they should. So long as interest rates have been low,
leveraged loans have been the solution. With hedge funds and
other financial instruments, there is now a market for
incompetent, debt-ridden firms. The rules some once erroneously
associated with capitalism -- probity and the like -- no longer
hold.
Problems are also inherent in
speed and complexity, and these are very diverse and almost
surrealist. Credit derivatives are precarious enough, but at the
end of May the International Swaps and Derivatives Association
revealed that one in every five deals, many of them involving
billions of dollars, involved major errors – as the volume of
trade increased, so did errors. They doubled in the period after
2004. Many deals were recorded on scraps of paper and not
properly recorded. “Unconscionable” was Alan Greenspan’s
description. He was “frankly shocked.” Other trading, however,
is determined by mathematical algorithm (“volume-weighted
average price,” it is called) for which PhDs trained in
quantitative methods are hired. Efforts to remedy this mess only
began in June of this year, and they are very far from resolving
a major and accumulated problem that involves stupendous sums.
Stephen Roach, Morgan Stanley’s
chief economist, on April 24 of this year wrote that a major
financial crisis was in the offing and that the global
institutions to forestall it– ranging from the IMF and World
Bank to other mechanisms of the international financial
architecture – were utterly inadequate. Hong Kong’s chief
secretary in early June deplored the hedge funds’ risks and
dangers. The IMF’s iconoclastic chief economist, Raghuram Rajan,
at the same time warned that the hedge funds’ compensation
structure encouraged those in charge of them to increasingly
take risks, thereby endangering the whole financial system. By
late June, Roach was even more pessimistic: “a certain sense of
anarchy” dominated the academic and political communities, and
they were “unable to explain the way the new world is working.”
In its place, mystery prevailed. Reality was out of control.
The entire global financial
structure is becoming uncontrollable in crucial ways its nominal
leaders never expected, and instability is increasingly its
hallmark. Financial liberalization has produced a monster, and
resolving the many problems that have emerged is scarcely
possible for those who deplore controls on those who seek to
make money – whatever means it takes to do so. The Bank for
International Settlements’ annual report, released June 26,
discusses all these problems and the triumph of predatory
economic behavior and trends “difficult to rationalize.” The
sharks have outfoxed the more conservative bankers. “Given the
complexity of the situation and the limits of our knowledge, it
is extremely difficult to predict how all this might unfold.”
The BIS (does not want its fears to cause a panic, and
circumstances compel it to remain on the side of those who are
not alarmist. But it now concedes that a big “bang” in the
markets is a possibility, and it sees “several market-specific
reasons for a concern about a degree of disorder.” We are
“currently not in a situation” where a meltdown is likely to
occur but “expecting the best but planning for the worst” is
still prudent. For a decade, it admits, global economic trends
and “financial imbalances” have created increasing dangers, and
“understanding how we got to where we are is crucial in choosing
policies to reduce current risks.” The BIS is very worried.
Given such profound and
widespread pessimism, the vultures from the investment houses
and banks have begun to position themselves to profit from the
imminent business distress – a crisis they see as a matter of
timing rather than principle. Investment banks since the
beginning of 2006 have vastly expanded their loans to leveraged
buy-outs, pushing commercial banks out of a market they once
dominated. To win a greater share of the market, they are making
riskier deals and increasing the danger of defaults among highly
leveraged firms. There is now a growing consensus among
financial analysts that defaults will increase substantially in
the very near future. But because there is money to be made,
experts in distressed debt and restructuring companies in or
near bankruptcy are in greater demand. Goldman Sachs has just
hired one of Rothschild’s stars in restructuring. All the
factors which make for crashes – excessive leveraging, rising
interest rates, etc. – exist, and those in the know anticipate
that companies in difficulty will be in a much more advanced
stage of trouble when investment banks enter the picture. But
this time they expect to squeeze hedge funds out of the
potential profits because they have more capital to play with.
Contradictions now wrack the
world’s financial system, and a growing consensus now exists
between those who endorse it and those, like myself, who believe
the status quo is both crisis-prone as well as immoral. If we
are to believe the institutions and personalities who have been
in the forefront of the defense of capitalism, and we should, it
may very well be on the verge of serious crises.
Gabriel Kolko
is the leading historian of modern warfare. He is the author of
the classic
Century of War: Politics, Conflicts and Society Since 1914
and
Another Century of War?. He has also written the best
history of the Vietnam War,
Anatomy of a War: Vietnam, the US and the Modern Historical
Experience. His latest book,
The Age of War, was published in March 2006.
He can be reached at:
kolko@counterpunch.org